Y&M Magazine - US Troops in Okinawa

Home Sweet Home?: US Troops in Okinawa
by Terri Keeley

AT A GLANCE: US Troops in Okinawa

The presence of US military bases in Okinawa has harmful effects on the people, the environment, and the economy.
The problem of sexual assault and disrespect for local populations is not limited to a few servicemembers; it is representative of the general US policy toward countries hosting its troops.
Okinawan groups are highlighting the negative impacts of US bases and are pushing for change in US policy.

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International Women's Summit, Okinawa's Participants Display
Photo: Mary Ann Smith

In July of 2000, a 19 year-old Marine was arrested for indecency and unlawful entry. He had entered an Okinawan City apartment, crawled into the bed of a 14 year-old girl, and fondled her. The incident resurrected memories of the 1995 abduction and rape of a 12 year-old girl by three US servicemen, two marines and a sailor, also in Okinawa. In both cases, the US media created the impression that the incident was somehow an isolated occurrence and that just a few "bad apples" were to blame.

In reality, the servicemembers' behavior was not an aberration or a problem limited to US forces stationed in Japan. Nor is the reaction in Okinawa unique. It is a reflection of a local population's increasing anger and resentment toward the presence of US forces, who seem above reproach. The treatment of women is the tip of the iceberg; the US military's arrogance and insensitivity extends to many aspects of its dealings with host countries and in Okinawa, has legal, environmental, and economic manifestations.

The 1995 rape and the incident in July of 2000 are symptoms of a larger problem. Such blatant disrespect for women near US foreign bases, which includes violence and abuse as well as the promotion of prostitution, is not only condoned, but regarded as just a part of the male military experience. This attitude permeates the entire institution, extending to the upper echelons of power, almost as if it were an unwritten policy.

The treatment of women is the tip of the iceberg; the US military's arrogance and insensitivity extends to many aspects of its dealings with host countries and in Okinawa, has legal, environmental, and economic manifestations.

The military brass’s reaction to the assault illustrates the institution's callous attitude and acceptance of such conduct. Air Force Lt. Gen. Richard Myers, Commander of US Forces in Japan, asserted that such behavior was not characteristic of "99.99 percent of US forces." However, at a press conference in November of 1995, Admiral Richard C. Macke, Commander of US Forces in the Pacific, told a reporter, "I think that [the rape] was absolutely stupid. For the price they paid to rent the car, they could have had the girl."

Ironically, Macke's predecessor, Admiral Arthur Tappan, had been forced to retire over his mishandling of the Navy’s Tailhook scandal. The Secretary of Defense then appointed Macke to serve as his replacement. For his remarks about the Okinawan incident, Admiral Macke received a demotion and was forced to resign.

Just a Case of Bad Apples?

Even the New York Times promoted the "bad apple" theory of US servicemember behavior. On October 29, 1995, a Times editorial asserted, "American behavior in Japan has generally been good since the occupation in 1945." However, according to a Dayton Daily News review of 100,000 court martials held from 1988 to 1995, "Navy and Marine bases in Japan have had 169 courts martial for sexual assaults, the highest number of all US bases worldwide, 66 percent more cases than at the number two location, San Diego, which has more than twice the personnel." [No reports were available for the Army or Air Force.]

This disturbing statistic is probably a low estimate considering the nature of the crime and the fact that in Okinawan culture, an adult woman bringing rape charges faces unbearable shame and dishonor. Nor is such behavior a recent phenomenon. During a six month period in 1949, journalist Frank Gibney reported that GIs had raped 18 women in Okinawa.

At a press conference in November 1995, Admiral Richard C. Macke, Commander of US Forces in the Pacific, told a reporter, "I think that [the rape] was absolutely stupid. For the price they paid to rent the car, they could have had the girl."

Only after considerable public outcry, both in Japan and internationally, did the military hand over the three servicemembers involved in the 1995 rape to the Japanese government. This occurred three weeks after police had identified them. Although two of the men were sentenced to seven years and the third to six and half, such an outcome is highly unusual. Legally, the service community is shielded, as host countries often have virtually no jurisdiction to act when US servicemembers or their families commit crimes (a principle known as "extraterritoriality"). Article 17 (section 5) of the Japanese Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) states that "When US servicemen and their families commit crimes, they shall be detained by US authorities until Japanese law enforcement agencies file complaints with the prosecutor's office based on clear suspicion."

As Chalmers Johnson, author of Blowback: The Cost and Consequences of American Empire notes, the clause allows for US officials to refuse requests to furnish military suspects. In some instances, those accused are simply transferred to a new posting, often back to the US, protecting them from Japanese authorities. Following the outcry sparked by the 1995 rape, a new "side letter" was added to the SOFA. It states that a military member suspected of rape or murder may be handed over to Japanese investigators before he/she is indicted, if a request is made.

The Larger Context

The incidence of sexual assault and other abusive behaviors toward women is part of a larger problem. Crimes committed by servicemembers are not restricted to sexual violence attacks. The Bihon Keizai Shimbun, a conservative Japanese newspaper, found that between 1972 and 1995, US military personnel were implicated in 4,716 crimes, or nearly one per day. The US troops in Okinawa are essentially an occupying force and behave as such. There are few, if any, negative consequences for servicemembers or for the military as an institution in such situations.

The US military regards itself as superior to the locals, an attitude reinforced by the physical separation of US troops from the rest of the population. The bases on which they live are self-sustained communities, with their own libraries, churches, schools, movie theaters, recreation centers, golf courses, and shopping facilities, thereby providing base communities with resources and access to goods unavailable to the local population. Outside of the base, troops pay in US dollars. For the most part, they know little about the history, customs, and culture of their surroundings and often do not speak the language. Locals view such behavior as disrespectful and insensitive.

Legally, the service community is shielded, as host countries often have virtually no jurisdiction to act when US servicemembers or their families commit crimes (a principle known as "extraterritoriality").

For years in Okinawa, one particularly upsetting issue for the local people has been traffic accidents and deaths caused by military personnel, numbering a little more than 1,000 per year. US servicemembers usually drive with little or no insurance. Until 1996, military trucks and cars did not have license plates, making it difficult for civilians to identify the responsible party. Added pain and suffering has also been caused by the American failure to recognize and understand solatium, a local Japanese custom whereby the victim's family receives compensation for the death of their loved one. As Dr. Robert Orr of Nippon Motorola and the American Chamber of Commerce in Japan observed, such behavior demonstrates how little the military knows about local practices in Okinawa after occupying the area for over 50 years.

Another source of tension between US forces and Okinawans is environmental pollution and noise. During military operations, highly carcinogenic materials are released into the air, water, and land. Despite this, the SOFA with Japan does not require the US to clean up any of these fuels, oils, or solvents. Nor does it allow Okinawan or Japanese officials to inspect the bases for environmental violations. In Okinawa, noise pollution has been blamed for the low birth weights among babies born near Kadena Air Force Base, which occupies 83 percent of the town of Kadena. At Futenma Marine Corps Air Station, located in the center of the city of Ginowan, takeoffs and landings average 142 a day.

Finally, the physical location of the US bases stifles economic growth in the region and deprives Okinawans of their livelihoods. Although Okinawa's economy improved during the 1990s, it is still Japan's poorest prefecture, with an unemployment rate twice as high as the rest of the country. While US bases occupy 20 percent of Okinawa's land mass, as Koji Taira, economist and editor of the newspaper Ryukyuanist, explains, "According to the best estimates, the incomes generated directly or indirectly by the bases are only 5 percent of the gross domestic product."

Unlike bases in the Philippines or Korea, which sit on government property, the Okinawan bases inhabit land belonging to 31,521 private individuals or families. Local people are forced to lease it to the Japanese government, which in turn, subleases it to the US military, all of which must be periodically renewed.

Okinawans’ Responses

The presence of US troops in Okinawa has generated local protest movements. Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence grew out of a report to the Fourth UN Forum on Women in Beijing (1995) and was founded by Suzuyo Takazato, a member of the Naha City Assembly, and Carolyn Francis, a US Methodist missionary in Okinawa. The group publicizes the effects of militarization on women’s lives and educates people in the US about the broader foreign policy issues behind incidents such as the 1995 rape. The group organized a protest of 85,000 people on October 21, 1995, the largest ever in Okinawa.

The One-Tsubo Anti-War Landowners Association has also formed to challenge the US military use of land without valid leases. The group includes private landowners and more than 3,000 Okinawans and other Japanese who have bought small portions of land, approximately 3.3 square meters (tsubo). In May of 1997, when many of these tsubo areas came up for renewal, the landlords refused. The Japanese government then passed a law which transferred control of the land to itself.

Agreements between the US and countries hosting its troops allow the US government to act with impunity, providing the framework for US servicemembers to do so as well.

The law is unconstitutional in two respects. First, it removed the lands without due process. Second, the law applied only to Okinawa, illegal under article 94 of the Japanese constitution, which states that laws must apply equally to the entire country, unless the citizens of that region have agreed to it.

Two other developments occurred in the summer of 2000. During the G8 Summit meetings held July 21-23, 2000, in Okinawa, the Red Card Movement organized protests against the presence of US bases. More than 27,000 people formed a human chain, bringing international attention to the issue. On August 16, 2000, Okinawan authorities announced that at the end of the month they would be asking the Japanese and US governments to review the terms of the SOFA. Two particular points were cited for discussion: permitting Okinawan authorities to spot-check military bases for environmental damage and to garnish the wages of US servicemembers who fail to pay child support to women who care for their Amerasian children.

Conclusion

The US military’s disregard for women, the environment, and the land is not particular to Okinawa. As an institution, the military creates an atmosphere in which its members, regardless of rank, can act with little fear of the possible outcomes. Ultimately, the US government is the architect of these circumstances. Agreements between the US and countries hosting its troops allow the US government to act with impunity, providing the framework for US servicemembers to do so as well. This imbalanced relationship between the two countries is further aggravated when US GIs "misbehave," especially because local populations have no course for redress. Although the emergence of Okinawan groups such as Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence, the One-Tsubo Anti-War Landowners Association, and the Red Card Movement is a positive development, further awareness and action is needed in the United States to force major changes in US foreign policy.

Facts about Okinawa

454 square miles, almost exactly the size of Los Angeles.

Population of 1.2 million.

0.6% of Japan's land base, yet houses 75% of the 63,000 troops stationed on Japan's 39 bases.

Six Okinawan cities are 40% occupied by US bases.

24,847 military personnel, including dependents, raise the number of US citizens to 48,626.

Okinawa, known as Ryuku, had its own language and culture, influenced both by Chinese and Japanese culture. In 1865 it was annexed by Japan.

Since the 13th century, Ryuku was involved in trade and intentionally did not develop a military, believing it could damage its trading relationships.

US occupation began in 1945, after a three month battle, the only one on Japanese soil during World War II. Estimates of the number of people killed range from 150-200,000, with the island losing one-third of its population.

In 1951 under the San Francisco Peace Treaty, Okinawa became a legal possession of the US.

In 1972, control of Okinawa reverted back to Japan.

Under the "compassionate budget" Japan helps the US financially maintain its troops, the only host country to do so. This is roughly equal to $100,000 for each servicemember.

There were two major waves of protests before the 1995 assault:

1952-57: right to free speech, unionization, proper compensation for expropriated lands, popular election of chief executive
late 1960s: basing B52s on the island used to bomb Vietnam

For More Information

Johnson, Chalmers. Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2000.

Kirk, Gwyn, Rachel Cornwell and Margo Okazawa-Rey. "In Focus: Women and the US Military in East Asia" Foreign Policy in Focus, vol. 4, no. 9, revised July 2000.

Kirk, Gwyn, and Margo Okazawa-Rey. "Japan/Okinawa" from East Asia/US Women’s Network Against Militarism.

Shorrock, Tim. "In Focus: Okinawa and the US Military in Northeast Asia" Foreign Policy in Focus, vol. 5, no. 22, July 2000.

Contact Groups

Asia Pacific Center for Justice and Peace
110 Maryland Ave, Suite 504, Washington, DC 20002
phone: 202-543-1094
fax: 202-546-5103
e-mail: apcjp@igc.org
website: http://www.apcjp.org

East Asia-US Women’s Network Against Militarism
353 30th St.
San Francisco, CA 94131
phone: 415-550-7947
fax: 415-550-7947
e-mail: gwyn@igc.org or mor@sfsu.edu

Okinawa Women Act Against Military Violence
405, 3-29-41, Kumoji
Naha, Okinawa Japan
fax: 81-98–864-1539
e-mail: suzuyo@mxi.mesh.ne.jp

About the Author

Terri Keeley is a staff member of the American Friends Service Committee's National Youth and Militarism Program. She can be reached at youthmil@afsc.org.