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철학 - 지혜의 탐구

John Locke



1 Introduction

The English philosopher John Locke was an initiator of the Enlightenment in England and France, an inspirer of the U.S. Constitution, and the author of, among other works, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, his account of human knowledge, including the "new science" of his day--i.e., modern science.




2.1 Early years.

Locke was born in Wrington, Somerset, on Aug. 29, 1632, and reared in Pensford, six miles south of Bristol. His family was Anglican with Puritan leanings. His father, a country attorney of modest means, fought on the Parliamentarian side in the Civil War--a fact that later helped him to find a place for his son in Westminster School, then controlled by a Parliamentarian committee (though its headmaster, Richard Busby, was a Royalist). The training there was thorough, but Locke later complained of the severity of its discipline. In 1652 he entered Christ Church, Oxford. Puritan reforms at Oxford had not yet altered the traditional Scholastic curriculum of rhetoric, grammar, moral philosophy, geometry, and Greek; Locke found the course insipid and interested himself in studies outside the traditional program, particularly experimental science and medicine. He was graduated with a B.A. degree in 1656 and an M.A. two years later, around which time he was elected a student (the equivalent of fellow) of Christ Church. In 1660, as a newly appointed tutor in his college, Locke enthusiastically welcomed the end of the Puritan Commonwealth and the restoration of Charles II to the throne.

In 1661 Locke inherited a portion of his father's estate, which ensured a modest annual income. His studentship would eventually be subject to termination unless he took holy orders, which he declined to do. Not wishing to make teaching his permanent vocation, he taught undergraduates for four years only. He served as secretary to a diplomatic mission to Brandenburg in 1665, and on his return he was immediately offered, but refused, another diplomatic post. His papers of this period, his correspondence, and his commonplace books all testify to his chief interests at the time, viz., natural science, on the one hand, and the study of the underlying principles of moral, social, and political life, on the other. To remedy the narrowness of his education he read contemporary philosophy, particularly that of René Descartes, the father of modern philosophy. But more than all, experimental science engaged his interest. He collaborated with Robert Boyle, one of the founders of modern chemistry, who was a close friend, and, toward the end of the period, with another friend, Thomas Sydenham, an eminent medical scientist.


2.2 Association with Shaftesbury.

It was as a physician that Locke first came to the notice of the statesman Lord Ashley (later to become the 1st earl of Shaftesbury). On a visit to Oxford in the summer of 1666, Lord Ashley required some medical attention and was introduced to Locke by a mutual acquaintance; the two immediately became friends. A royal mandate of that November secured Locke's studentship indefinitely. The following year, despite his having no medical degree and no desire to practice medicine, he joined Ashley's household at Exeter House in the Strand in London as family physician. He became Ashley's personal adviser not merely on medical matters but on his general affairs as well.

Ashley was a forceful, aggressive politician who had many enemies (some of them men of letters--for instance, Locke's schoolfellow, the poet laureate John Dryden). It is doubtful, however--if only in view of Locke's respect for him--whether Ashley was as evil as his enemies sometimes made him out to be. It is known that he stood firmly for a constitutional monarchy, for a Protestant succession, for civil liberty, for toleration in religion, for the rule of Parliament, and for the economic expansion of Britain; and that he continued to make this stand when many influential men were working against these aims. Since these were already aims to which Locke had dedicated himself, there existed from the first a perfect understanding between the statesman and his adviser, one that meant much to both. Ashley entrusted Locke with the task of negotiating his son's marriage with the daughter of the Earl of Rutland; he also made him secretary of the group that he had formed to increase trade with America, particularly with the southern colonies. Locke helped to draft a constitution for the new colony of Carolina, a document that extended freedom of worship to all colonists, denying admission only to atheists.

During the following decades, Locke persevered in his private studies, and many of his social meetings were in effect meetings with friends to discuss philosophical and scientific problems. As early as 1668 he had become a fellow of the newly formed (1663) Royal Society, which kept him in touch with scientific advances. It is known, too, that groups of friends (Lord Ashley; the physician John Mapletoft; Thomas Sydenham; Sydenham's physician colleague, James Tyrrell, who was also a divine; and others) met in his rooms, for one such meeting is mentioned in the preface of his Essay Concerning Human Understanding, in which he reports that, because of the difficulties that beset the participants, they resolved to devote their next meeting to discussing the powers of the mind in order, as they said, "to examine our own abilities and see what objects our understandings were, or were not, fitted to deal with." Locke himself opened the discussion and, following the meeting, set out his view of human knowledge in two drafts (1671), still extant, which show the beginnings of the thinking that 19 years later would blossom into his famous Essay. In these London years, too, Locke encountered representatives of Cambridge Platonism, a school of Christian humanists, who, though sympathetic to empirical science, nonetheless opposed materialism because it failed to account for the rational element in human life. They tended to be liberal in both politics and religion. Insofar as they taught a Platonism that rested on belief in innately known Ideas, Locke could not follow them; but their tolerance, their emphasis on practical conduct as a part of the religious life, and their rejection of materialism were features that he found most attractive. This school was closely related in spirit to another school that influenced Locke at this time, viz., that of latitudinarianism. For the latter school, if a man confessed Christ, that alone should be enough to entitle him to membership in the Christian Church; conformity in nonessentials should not be demanded. These movements prepared Locke for the antidogmatic, liberal school of theology that he would later encounter in Holland, a school in revolt against the narrowness of traditional Calvinism. (see also  liberalism)

In 1672 Ashley was raised to the peerage as the 1st earl of Shaftesbury and at the end of that year was appointed lord high chancellor of England. Though he soon lost favour and was dismissed, he did, while in office, establish the Council of Trade and Plantations, of which Locke was secretary for two years. Locke, however, who suffered greatly from asthma, found the London air and his heavy duties unhealthy, and in 1675 he had to return to Oxford.

Six months later he departed for France, where he stayed for four years (1675-79), spending most of his time in Paris and Montpellier. In France during the 1670s, Locke made contacts that deeply influenced his view of metaphysics and epistemology, viz., with the Gassendist school and, particularly, with its leader, François Bernier. Pierre Gassendi, a philosopher and scientist, had rejected overspeculative elements in Descartes's philosophy and had advocated a return to Epicurean doctrines--i.e., to empiricism (stressing sense experience), to hedonism (holding pleasure to be the good), and to corpuscular physics (according to which reality consists of atomic particles). Knowledge of the external world, Gassendi held, depends upon the senses, though it is through reasoning that man may derive much further information from empirically gained evidence.

Upon Locke's return to England, he found the country torn by dissension. The heir to the throne, James (the brother of Charles II), was a Roman Catholic, whom the Protestant majority led by Shaftesbury wished to exclude from the succession. For a year Shaftesbury had been imprisoned in the Tower, but by the time Locke returned he was back in favour once more as lord president of the Privy Council. When he failed, however, to reconcile the interests of the King and Parliament, he was dismissed; in 1681 he was arrested, tried, and finally acquitted by a London jury. A year later he fled to Holland, where, in 1683, he died.


2.3 Later life.

No one of Shaftesbury's known friends was now safe in Great Britain. Locke himself, who was being closely watched, crossed to Holland in September 1683.


2.3.1 Exile in Holland.

Locke's sojourn in Holland was happier than he had expected it to be: his health improved, he made many new friends, and he found the leisure that enabled him to bring his thoughts on many subjects to fruition. Locke spent his first winter in Amsterdam and soon became friendly with a distinguished Arminian theologian, Philip van Limborch, pastor of the Remonstrants' church there--a friendship that lasted until Locke's death. The companionship of Philip and other friends made it easier to bear bad news from home: at Charles II's express command, Locke (in 1684) was deprived of his studentship at Christ Church. The next year his name appeared on a list sent to The Hague that named 84 traitors wanted by the English government. Locke went into hiding for a while but soon was able to move freely over Holland and became familiar with its different provinces.


2.3.2 Return to England and retirement to Oates.

Locke remained abroad for more than five years, until James II, who had become king in 1685, was overthrown. In the autumn of 1688, after it was announced that James had been presented with a male heir (and thus a Roman Catholic successor), the King's opponents invited his Protestant nephew and son-in-law, William of Orange in the Netherlands, to seize the throne. The King offered little resistance. Locke himself in February 1689 crossed in the party that accompanied the Princess of Orange, now to be crowned Queen Mary II of England. The triumph was complete; Locke was home again, although not without a nostalgia for the Holland that he had come to love. He now took little part in public life. He refused ambassadorial posts but accepted a membership in the Commission of Appeals. (Much later, in 1696, he was appointed a commissioner in the resuscitated Board of Trade and Plantations, however, and for four years played a leading part in its deliberations.) But the London air again bothered him, and he was forced to leave the city for long visits to his friends in the country. In 1691 he retired to Oates, the house of his friends Sir Francis and Lady Masham in Essex, and subsequently made only occasional visits to London. Nonetheless, he was not without influence in these last years of his life, for he was the intellectual leader of the Whigs. Their principal parliamentarians were frequently old friends of Locke, and the younger generation--particularly the ablest of them all, John Somers, who soon became lord chancellor--turned to him constantly for guidance. In "the glorious, bloodless revolution," the main aims for which Shaftesbury and Locke had fought were achieved--even though in William's reign strong Tory pressures limited the extent of the reform. First and foremost, England became a constitutional monarchy, controlled by Parliament. Second, real advances were made in securing the liberty of subjects in the law courts, in achieving a greater (though far from complete) measure of religious toleration, and in assuring freedom of thought and expression. Locke himself drafted the arguments that his friend Edward Clarke used in the House of Commons in arguing for the repeal of the restrictive Act for the Regulation of Printing. The act was abolished in 1695 and the freedom of the press was secured. (see also  Whig Party)


2.3.3 Publication of his works.

The main task of this last period of his life, however, was the publication of his works, which had been the product of long years of gestation. The Epistola de Tolerantia (A Letter Concerning Toleration, 1689) was published anonymously at Gouda in 1689. Locke had been reflecting on this topic from his early days at Oxford. Though his correspondence and a paper that he wrote in 1667 show his support for toleration in religion, in 1660-61 he wrote two tracts on this theme (not published until 1967) that are surprisingly conservative. Two Treatises of Government (1690) was also the fruit of years of reflection upon the true principles in politics, a reflection resting on Locke's own observations. In all of these social and political issues, Locke saw that the ultimate factor is man's nature. To understand man, however, it is not enough to observe his actions; one must also inquire about his capacities for knowledge. Locke had been conscious of this point in writing his paper on the "Law of Nature" as early as 1663. In 1671, as has been seen, he set out to write a book about human knowledge, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, which was not published, however, until December 1689 (all copies dated 1690)--nor was it wholly completed even then, for Locke made changes, sometimes substantial ones, in three of the four following editions. (See below, Locke's philosophy.)


2.3.4 Last years.

Locke's last years were spent in the peaceful retreat of Oates. His hostess was a woman with whom he had been acquainted for many years--Lady Masham, or Damaris, the daughter of Ralph Cudworth, one of the Cambridge Platonists, by whom Locke had been significantly influenced. He found friendship and comfort in this household. Many of his friends visited him there: Sir Isaac Newton, who came to discuss the Epistles of St. Paul, a subject of great interest to both; his nephew and heir Peter King, destined to become lord high chancellor of England; and Edward Clarke with his wife and children, for whom Locke had great affection. Locke had written a series of letters to Edward Clarke from Holland, advising him on the best upbringing for his son. These letters formed the basis of his influential Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693), setting forth new ideals in that field. He wrote and published pamphlets on matters of economic interest, on rates of interest, on the coinage of the realm, and, more widely, on trade (defending mercantilist views). In 1695 he published a dignified plea for a less dogmatic Christianity in The Reasonableness of Christianity.

John Locke died on Oct. 28, 1704, and was buried in the parish church of High Laver. "His death," wrote Lady Masham, "was like his life, truly pious, yet natural, easy and unaffected." This account of his character by one who knew him well seems singularly appropriate. He was orderly, careful about money, occasionally parsimonious, abstemious, and, though naturally emotional and hot-tempered, controlled and disciplined. He had a great love of children, and friendship was for him a necessity. Both in his books and in his life are found the marks of the prudence and wisdom for which he was famed.




3.1 Theory of knowledge.

Locke was thoroughly suspicious of the view that a thinker could work out by reason alone the truth about the universe. Much as he admired Descartes, he feared this speculative spirit in him, and he despised it in the Scholastic philosophers. In this sense he rejected metaphysics. Knowledge of the world could only be gained by experience and reflection on experience, and this knowledge was being gained by Boyle, Sydenham, Christiaan Huygens, and Newton. They were the true philosophers who were advancing knowledge. Locke set himself the humbler task, as he conceived it, of understanding how this knowledge was gained. What was "the original, certainty, and extent of human knowledge, together with the grounds and degrees of belief, opinion, and assent"?


3.1.1 Empiricism.

As for "the original," the answer was plain. Knowledge of the world began in sense perception, and self-knowledge in introspection, or "reflection" in Locke's language. It did not begin in innate knowledge of maxims or general principles, and it did not proceed by syllogistic reasoning from such principles. In the 17th century there had been much vague talk about innate knowledge, and in Book I of his Essay Concerning Human Understanding Locke examines this talk and shows its worthlessness. In Book II of his Essay he begins by claiming that the sources of all knowledge are sense experience and reflection; these are not themselves, however, instances of knowledge in the strict sense, but they provide the mind with the material of knowledge. Locke calls the material so provided "ideas." Ideas are objects "before the mind," in the sense not that they are physical objects but that they represent them. Locke distinguishes ideas that represent actual qualities of objects (such as size, shape, or weight) from ideas that represent perceived qualities, which do not exist in objects except as they affect observers (such as colour, taste, or smell). Locke designates the former primary qualities and the latter secondary qualities. (see also  innate idea)

Locke proceeds to group and classify the ideas, with a view to showing that the origin of all of them lies in sensation and reflection. Although ideas are immediately "before the mind," not all of them are simple. Many of them are compounded, and their simple parts can be revealed on analysis. It is these simple ideas alone that are given in sensation and reflection. Out of them the mind forms complex ideas, though Locke is ambiguous on this point. For while he uses the language of "forming" or "compounding" and speaks of the "workmanship" of the mind, the compounding is frequently in accordance with what is perceived "to go together" and is not arbitrary.

Locke's reflections upon cause and effect, had they been elaborated, would undoubtedly have led him into acute difficulties. He does admit one failure. As an empiricist he can give no account of the idea of substance; it is, he thinks, essential and not to be denied, and yet it is not a simple idea given in sensation or reflection nor is it derived from simple ideas so given. In fact he can say little of it; it is "a-something-I-know-not-what." Thus, the case for empiricism cannot be said to be entirely established by Book II, but Locke thinks it strong enough for him to persist in the view that knowledge of the physical world is wholly derived from sense perception.


3.1.2 Self-knowledge.

Some ideas are not of things outside the mind but are reflexive and internal. Locke finds it necessary to classify these in Book II and in doing so sets down the foundations of empirical psychology. His source of information is introspection and rarely the observation of behaviour. His account of sense perception is celebrated for its appreciation of the part that the interpretative mind plays in perceiving, and some of his farsighted observations on the relations between the senses, particularly vision and touch, have profoundly affected subsequent thought. He makes valuable remarks on memory, on discerning, on comparing, on madness, on pleasure and pain, on the emotions, and on the association of ideas.

Locke holds that man has an intuitive knowledge of his own existence and supposes that man exists as material and immaterial substance, but he is none too clear about this and at one point plays with the idea that man is simply material substance to which God has "superadded" a power of thinking. Locke's most valuable contribution, however, is his account of personal identity. Having distinguished between different types of identity, he argues that personal identity depends on self-consciousness (that is, I am the person who did so-and-so 20 years ago because I can remember myself doing it).


3.1.3 Language.

According to Locke, Book III on language "cost [him] more pains" than any other book of his Essay; yet it is the book that has been most neglected. To understand thinking and knowing one must understand language as the means of thought and communication. Words are conventional signs; however, according to Locke, signs do not directly represent things but rather ideas of things. Thus, Locke carries a theory of ideas into his account of language. Frequently, the idea signified by the word is not clear, and sometimes words are used even when there are no ideas corresponding to them. This is particularly so in the case of general words, without which language would be so impoverished as to lose most of its worth. The use of general words, in Locke's mind, is bound up with the theory of universals. Does the general word stand for a particular idea that is used in a representative capacity? Or is the universal nothing more than a creation of the mind, through abstraction, to which is attached a name? In considering natural substances, Locke is inclined strongly toward a conceptualism according to which the use of general words is possible only because they signify "nominal essences." In this view what is meant is not the real essence but an abstract concept, something brought about through the "workmanship of the understanding." Locke also discusses the names of simple ideas and of relations, and it is interesting to find the crude beginnings of a discussion of what were later to be called logical or operative words. Book III contains also a valuable account of definition, which denies the theory that all definition must be per genus et differentiam (by comparison and contrast). The final chapters deal with the inevitable imperfections of language and with avoidable abuses.


3.1.4 Conclusions.

In Book IV, Locke discusses the nature and extent of human knowledge. The tone is more rationalistic than that of the previous books because the skepticism that emanated from his empiricism drove him to find the ideal of knowledge in the indubitable certainties of mathematics. There he was on common ground with the rationalists of his day, and indeed the direct influence of Descartes seems to be observable in the opening chapters of Book IV. Knowledge is perception, not sense perception but intellectual perception or intuition, frequently gained by a deliberate process of demonstration. But, even when this is so, each step in the demonstration is observed intuitionally, so that knowledge in the strict sense is essentially intuitive. (see also  mathematics, philosophy of)

Unfortunately, what can be intuited and demonstrated is limited. Strict knowledge is not confined entirely to mathematics, but the intuition of relations within the physical world is impossible. Books II and III have shown that ideas and nominal essences can be grasped directly and that the inner nature of real things cannot be known, so that "science," in the exact sense of perfectly certain knowledge, is not possible in this sphere. The only possibility of intuiting is that within the world of ideas, an ideal world that is for Locke empirically derived and not intellectual in character. Knowledge in general terms he accordingly defines as the intuition or "perception of the connection of and agreement, or disagreement and repugnancy, of any of our ideas." Within the realm of ideas indubitable knowledge can be gained, but when dealing with ideas "whose archetypes are without them" the position is uncertain.

In spite of this, and somewhat inconsistently, Locke thinks that knowledge approaches certainty in the "sensitive knowledge" of the existence of physical things. Further, knowledge of one's own existence is intuited. In these cases knowledge that is not an apprehension of a relation between ideas is nonetheless certain. But Locke makes it clear that, for the most part, knowledge of the physical world or of oneself is probable and rests not on intuition but on judgment; it is assenting to a proposition on the strength of the evidence, and there may be degrees of assent and wrong assent or error. Locke recognizes the need for a logic of probability, though he does little himself to meet that need. Yet it should be added that the important regular-sequence theory of induction, afterward developed by George Berkeley and David Hume, is put forward in the pages of Locke's Essay.


3.2 Political theory.

Locke's most important work on political philosophy is that entitled Two Treatises of Government. The first treatise is a refutation of Sir Robert Filmer's Patriarcha, a defense of the divine right of kings that was written in the mid-17th century; the second and more important treatise refutes the absolutist theory of government as such.

Locke defines political power as "a right of making laws, with penalties of death, and consequently all less penalties for the regulating and preserving of property and of employing the force of the community in the execution of such laws, and in the defence of the commonwealth from foreign injury, and all this only for the public good." Government is thus a trust, forfeited by a ruler who fails to secure the public good. The ruler's authority, that is to say, is conditional rather than absolute. Nor does the individual surrender all his rights when he enters a civil society. He has established his right to property by "mixing his labour" with things originally given to mankind in common but now made his own by his labour. (Here in germ is the labour theory of value.) He has the right to expect political power to be used to preserve his property, in his own person and in his possessions, and the right to freedom of thought, speech, and worship. In fact the one right that he gives up in entering a civil society is the right to judge and punish his fellow man, which is his right in the state of nature. He quits his "executive power of the law of Nature" and "resigns it to the public"; he himself makes himself subject to the civil law and finds his freedom in voluntary obedience. To secure this freedom, Locke favoured a mixed constitution--the legislative should be an elected body, whereas the executive is usually a single person, the monarch--and he argues for a separation of legislative and executive powers. The people are ultimately sovereign, although it is not always clear in Locke's theory where the immediate sovereignty lies. But the people always have the right to withdraw their support and overthrow the government if it fails to fulfill their trust. (see also  social contract)


3.3 Moral philosophy.

One searches in vain for a consistent moral theory in Locke. His view that morality can be a science, as certain as mathematics, is well known. This might imply a rationalism, and there are indeed rationalist trends in his moral philosophy--although sometimes when advocating a science of morals he seems to have in mind simply the possibility of an exact analysis of the terms used in moral discourse and the clarification of moral statements. At other times, he puts forward a hedonist theory. "That we call good which is apt to cause or increase pleasure or diminish pain in us." But not every good is moral good: "Moral good and evil is only the conformity or disagreement of our voluntary actions to some law, whereby good or evil is drawn on us, from the will and power of the law-maker." In this view law rests on God's will, "the true ground of morality," though in saying this Locke does not appear to be consistent with what he says elsewhere of the law of nature.


3.4 Theory of education.

A good education, as set forth by Locke in Some Thoughts Concerning Education, attends to both the physical and the mental. The body is not to be coddled; on the contrary, it is necessary that it should be hardened in various ways. The good educator insists on exercise, play, and plentiful sleep, "the great cordial of nature." Young children should be allowed to give vent to their feelings and should be restrained rarely. As for mental training, character comes first before learning; the educator's aim is to instill virtue, wisdom, and good breeding into the mind of the young. Parents, too, must interest themselves in their children's upbringing and, as far as possible, have them near; for no educative force is more powerful than the good example of parents. A stock of useful knowledge must be imparted: modern languages and Latin; geography and history; mathematics, as "the powers of abstraction develop"; and later civil law, philosophy, and natural science. For recreation, training in the arts, crafts, and useful hobbies should be available. (see also  education, philosophy of)


3.5 Religion.

Locke's reaction against the "enthusiasm" of the sects in his youth had been sharp, and he disliked religious fanaticism throughout his life. He was a broad, tolerant Anglican anxious to heal the breach in English Protestant ranks. His own views on church government and on the priesthood were close to those of the dissenters, and he favoured the liberal views of the latitudinarians, of the Cambridge Platonists, and of the Remonstrants of Holland. This becomes manifest in The Reasonableness of Christianity. Two essentials, and two alone, he thinks, are involved in being a Christian: first, that a man should accept Christ as God's Messiah and, second, that he should live in accordance with Christ's teaching. His point of view is not far removed from that of the Deists on the one hand and the Unitarians on the other, yet he cannot be grouped with them. Christianity, though reasonable, needs revelation as well as reason, for human reason alone is inadequate: there is an experience of God "through His Spirit" without which all religion is empty. However, any act of persecution in the name of religious truth is wholly unjustified, since our knowledge and understanding are so confined. Each individual is a moral being, responsible before God, and this presupposes freedom. By the same token, no compulsion that is contrary to the will of the individual can secure more than an outward conformity. (see also  religion, philosophy of, religious toleration)


3.6 Influence.

Locke's faith in the salutary, ennobling powers of knowledge justifies his reputation as the first philosopher of the Enlightenment. In a broader context, he founded a tradition of thought that would span three centuries, in the schools of British empiricism and American pragmatism. In developing the Whig ideology underlying the Exclusion Controversy and the Revolution of 1688, Locke formulated the classic expression of liberalism, which was to inspire both the shapers of the American Revolution and the authors of the U.S. Constitution. Locke's influence remained strongly felt in the West in the 20th century, as notions of mind, freedom, and authority continued to be challenged and explored. (R.Aa./Ed.)

로크 (John Locke). 1632. 8. 29 잉글랜드 서머싯 링턴~1704. 10. 28 에식스 오츠. 영국의 철학자.

영국과 프랑스 계몽주의의 선구자로서 미국 헌법에 정신적 기초를 제공했다. 당시 '새로운 과학' 곧 근대과학을 포함한 인식의 문제를 다룬 〈인간 오성론 Essay Concerning Human Understanding〉의 저자로 유명하다.



로크의 집안은 청교도적 경향을 가진 국교도였다. 시골 변호사였던 아버지는 청교도혁명 당시 의회파에 가담하여 싸웠는데 이러한 경력은 로크가 웨스트민스터 학교에 입학하는 데 도움이 되었다. 이곳의 교육은 철저했지만 뒷날 로크는 규율이 너무 엄격했다고 불평했다. 1652년 옥스퍼드의 크라이스트처치 칼리지에 입학했다. 청교도적 개혁에도 불구하고 학교에는 수사학·문법·도덕철학·기하학·그리스어 등 전통 스콜라식 교과과정이 여전히 남아 있었다. 로크는 교과과정에 흥미를 느끼지 못했으며, 낡은 교과과정에서 벗어난 실험과학이나 약학 등에 관심이 있었다. 1656년에 학사학위, 2년 뒤에 석사학위를 받았다.

1661년 아버지의 재산 중 일부를 상속해 어느 정도 안정된 수입을 얻었다. 로크는 가르치는 것을 평생직업으로 생각하지 않았기 때문에 학생을 가르친 것은 4년뿐이었다. 1665년 브란덴부르크에 파견된 외교사절단의 서기로 일했고 돌아오자마자 또다른 외교직책을 제안받았으나 거절했다. 이 시기 그의 논문·편지·비망록 등을 살펴보면 주요관심은 당시의 자연과학과 도덕적·사회적·정치적 삶의 근본원리에 있었음을 알 수 있다. 자신이 받은 교육의 편협성을 절감한 로크는 당대의 철학, 특히 근대철학의 아버지인 르네 데카르트의 철학을 공부했다. 그러나 무엇보다도 그의 관심을 끈 것은 실험과학이었다. 그는 근대화학의 선구자로서 자신의 절친한 친구였던 로버트 보일과, 얼마 뒤에는 역시 친구인 저명한 의학자 토머스 시드넘과 공동작업을 했다.

애슐리와의 제휴

로크가 처음으로 정치가 애슐리 경(나중에 샤프츠버리 백작이 됨)의 주목을 받은 것은 의사로서였다. 1666년 여름 옥스퍼드를 방문했을 때 애슐리 경은 치료를 받아야 할 상태였고 친지의 소개로 로크와 만나 곧 친구가 되었다. 다음해 로크는 의학학위도 없었고 의료활동을 하려는 뜻도 없었지만 애슐리가(家)의 주치의가 되었다. 그는 단지 의료문제 뿐아니라 일반문제에 관해서도 애슐리의 개인상담자가 되었다.

애슐리는 정력적이고 과감한 정치가였으나 정적이 많았다. 그러나 애슐리에 대한 로크의 존경심을 감안할 때 애슐리가 과연 정적들이 주장하듯 사악한 인물이었는지는 의심스럽다. 애슐리는 입헌군주제, 시민의 자유, 종교적 관용, 의회의 통치, 영국의 경제적 성장등을 단호히 옹호한 사람으로 알려져 있다. 이러한 목표는 로크도 이미 적극 지지했기 때문에 처음부터 두사람은 의기투합했다.

로크의 사교모임 대부분은 사실상 친구와 더불어 철학·과학의 문제들을 논의하기 위한 것이었다. 1668년에 이미 그는 새로 설립된(1663) 왕립학회 회원이 되었다. 또 로크의 집에서는 여러 친구들(애슐리 경, 의사인 존 메이플토프트, 토머스 시드넘, 신학자이기도 했던 제임스 티럴 등)이 모여 토론을 벌였다고 한다. 로크는 〈인간 오성론〉의 서문에서 어느 날에 있었던 모임에 대해 언급하고 있다. 참석자들이 여러 가지 어려운 문제에 당황해 다음 모임에서는 "우리 자신의 능력을 검토하고 우리의 지성이 적절히 다룰 수 있는 대상과 그렇지 못한 대상을 가려보기 위해" 정신의 능력에 대해 논의하기로 결심했다. 로크는 직접 이 토론회를 열었고 모임이 끝난 뒤 인간의 인식에 대한 자신의 견해를 아직도 남아있는 2개의 초고(1671)로 정리했다. 여기에는 19년 뒤 〈인간 오성론〉에서 전개할 사상의 싹이 나타나 있다. 또 이즈음에 로크는 그리스도교 인문주의자들로 이루어진 케임브리지 플라톤 학파의 대표자들과 사귀었다. 이들은 경험과학에 공감하면서도 인간 삶의 이성적 요소를 설명할 수 없다는 이유로 유물론을 반대했다. 또 이들은 정치와 종교에 대해 자유주의적 태도를 취했다. 로크는 이들이 본유관념에 기반한 플라톤주의를 주장하는 점에는 동의하지 않았으나 관용, 종교적 삶의 일부로서 실천행위를 강조하는 것, 유물론을 거부하는 것 등에 대해서는 큰 매력을 느꼈다. 이 학파의 정신은 당시 로크에게 영향을 준 광교회파(廣敎會派)와 밀접한 관련이 있었다. 광교회파는 누구나 그리스도 신앙을 고백하는 것만으로 그리스도교 교회의 일원이 될 수 있으며 그밖의 비본질적인 것을 요구해서는 안된다고 주장했다.

1672년 애슐리는 샤프츠버리 백작 1세로 귀족이 되었고 그해 말 영국 대법관으로 임명되었다. 샤프츠버리 백작은 곧 왕의 총애를 잃고 해임되었으나 재임기간 중에 무역 및 식민지 평의회를 설립하였다. 로크는 여기서 2년간 간사로 일했다. 그러나 심한 천식으로 고생하면서 런던의 공기와 과중한 업무에 시달리다가 1675년 옥스퍼드로 돌아왔다.

6개월 후 로크는 프랑스로 가서 4년 동안(1675~ 79) 머물렀다. 프랑스에서는 가생디 학파 특히 그 지도자 프랑수아 베르니에와 만났는데, 이 만남은 로크의 형이상학·인식론 등에 깊은 영향을 미쳤다. 철학자이자 과학자인 피에르 가생디는 데카르트 철학의 지나친 사변적 요소를 거부하고 에피쿠로스의 3가지 학설 곧 경험론·쾌락주의·원자론으로 돌아갈 것을 주장했다. 경험적 증거에서 이성적 추론을 통해 더 나아간 정보를 이끌어낼 수 있지만 외적 세계의 인식은 어디까지나 감관에 의존한다는 것이 가생디의 견해였다.

영국에 돌아왔을 때 나라사정은 뒤숭숭했다. 찰스 2세의 동생인 제임스는 로마 가톨릭교도였기 때문에 샤프츠버리가 이끄는 청교도 다수파는 그의 왕위계승을 저지하고자 했다. 이로 인해 샤프츠버리는 1년 동안 투옥되었고 로크가 귀국할 즈음에는 다시 신임을 얻어 추밀원 의장으로 일하고 있었다. 그러나 왕과 의회 사이의 이해관계를 절충하지 못하자 다시 체포되어 재판을 받았다. 샤프츠버리는 1년 후 네덜란드로 망명하여 1683년 죽었다.


로크는 1683년 9월 네덜란드로 망명했다. 네덜란드에 체류하는 동안 새 친구를 많이 사귀었고 그동안 생각해왔던 문제들을 정리할 여유를 가졌다. 1684년 찰스 2세는 크라이스트처치가 로크에게 주던 장학금을 중단했다. 다음해 로크의 이름은 영국정부가 유럽에 지명수배한 84명의 반역자 명단에 올랐다.

로크는 1685년에 왕이 된 제임스 2세가 쫓겨날 때까지 5년 이상 외국에 머물렀다. 1688년 가을 제임스 2세의 반대자들이 네덜란드 오라녜의 빌렘을 왕으로 추대했다. 다시 영국으로 돌아온 로크는 외교관 직책을 제의받았으나 거절했고 탄원위원회에만 참여했다. 그러나 런던의 공기가 또 건강을 악화시켰기 때문에 1691년부터는 친구 프랜시스 경과 매섬 부인의 집인 '오츠'에 은거하면서 이따금 런던에 들르곤 했다. 로크는 은둔하면서도 휘그당의 정신적 지도자로서 영향력을 발휘했다. 비록 토리당의 압력으로 그 폭이 제한되었지만 로크와 샤프츠버리가 추구하던 개혁은 '무혈의 명예혁명'으로 달성되었다. 입헌군주제가 수립되었고 시민의 자유, 종교적 관용, 사상과 표현의 자유 등이 대폭 확대되었으며 1695년에는 출판의 자유도 보장되었다.

말년에 로크는 주로 자신의 저작을 출판하는 데 힘썼다. 또 이자·이자율·조폐·무역 등에 관한 소책자를 쓰고 출판했다. 1695년에는 〈그리스도교의 합리성 The Reasonableness of Christianity〉을 출판하여 덜 독단적인 그리스도교를 옹호했다.

로크는 1704년 죽은 뒤 하이레이버 교구 교회에 묻혔다. 매섬 부인은 "그의 죽음은 그의 삶처럼 경건하면서도 자연스럽고 편안했으며 고요했다"고 전했다.

로크의 철학


로크는 이성적 추론만으로 세계에 대한 진리를 발견할 수 있다는 견해를 거부했다. 데카르트를 무척 존경했지만 그의 철학에 들어있는 사변적 정신은 경계했고 스콜라 철학자들의 사변성을 경멸했다. 이런 의미에서 그는 형이상학을 거부했다. 세계에 대한 인식은 오직 경험과 경험에 대한 반성을 통해서만 얻을 수 있고, 자연과학자야말로 인식을 증진하는 진정한 철학자라고 생각했다. 그렇기 때문에 자신의 과제는 지식 자체가 아니라 '지식의 획득과정에 대한 이해'라는 소박한 문제라고 말했다. 즉 '인간이 갖는 지식의 원천·확실성·범위'는 무엇이고, 이와 더불어 '신념·의견·동의의 근거 및 정도'는 무엇인가 하는 물음이었다.

'원천'에 관한 해답은 명백했다. 세계에 대한 인식은 감각지각에서 시작되며 자신에 대한 인식은 내성 혹은 '반성'에서 시작된다. 일반적 원리에 대한 생득적 인식과 그러한 원리로부터의 이성적 추론이 인식의 원천이라는 주장은 잘못이다. 로크는 〈인간 오성론〉 제1권에서 생득적 인식에 대한 논의를 검토하고 그것의 무가치함을 보여준다. 제2권은 감각경험과 반성이 모든 인식의 원천이라는 주장으로 시작되는데 감각경험과 반성은 엄밀한 의미에서 그 자체가 인식은 아니지만 정신에 인식의 소재를 제공한다. 이 소재를 로크는 '관념'(idea)이라고 부른다. 관념은 '정신 앞에 있는' 대상이지만 물리적 대상이 아니라 물리적 대상을 표상한다는 뜻에서 정신 앞에 있다. 로크는 크기·모양·무게와 같이 대상의 실제 성질을 표상하는 관념과 색·맛·향기처럼 인식주체에만 지각되는 성질을 표상하는 관념을 구별했다.

로크는 여러 관념을 분류함으로써 관념의 원천이 언제나 감각과 반성에 있음을 보여주려 했다. 모든 관념이 정신 앞에 직접있는 단순한 관념은 아니다. 많은 관념은 복합 관념이며 그것을 구성하는 단순한 요소로 분석할 수 있다. 감각과 반성에 주어지는 것은 단순관념뿐이다. 정신은 이 단순관념들로부터 복합관념을 '형성'한다고 생각했다.

한편 뒤이어 나오는 인과관계나 실체 관념에 대한 로크의 고찰은 면밀히 검토해 보면 상당한 난점을 지니고 있다. 따라서 〈인간 오성론〉 제2권으로 경험론을 완벽하게 변호했다고 볼 수는 없다. 그럼에도 불구하고 로크는 물리적 세계에 대한 인식이 모두 감각지각에서 도출된다는 견해를 뒷받침하기에는 충분하다고 생각했다.

어떤 관념은 정신 외부의 사물에 관한 것이 아니라 반성적이며 내적인 것이다. 로크는 제2권에서 이러한 관념들을 분류하면서 경험적 심리학의 기초를 마련했다. 그는 감각지각, 기억, 식별, 광기, 고통과 쾌락, 감정, 관념의 연상 등에 대해 귀중한 설명을 제시했다. 인간은 자신의 존재를 직관적으로 인식한다고 주장하고 또 인간은 물질적이며 비물질적인 실체로서 존재한다고 생각했다. 그러나 로크의 가장 귀중한 업적은 인격의 동일성에 대한 설명이다. 로크는 먼저 여러 종류의 동일성을 구별한 후 인격의 동일성은 자기의식에 의존한다고 주장했다.

로크는 언어를 다룬 제3권이 다른 부분보다 "힘들었다"고 말했다. 사고와 인식을 이해하기 위해서는 사고와 의사소통의 수단인 언어를 이해해야 하는데 로크는 관습적인 기호인 단어는 사물을 직접 표현하는 기호가 아니라 '사물의 관념'을 표현하는 기호라고 함으로써 관념이론을 언어설명에 적용했다. 단어가 표현하는 관념은 모호할 때도 있으며 대응하는 관념이 없는 단어가 사용되는 경우도 있다. 특히 보편적인 것을 표현하는 단어의 경우가 그러하다. 보편어의 사용은 보편자 이론과 결부되어 있다. 보편어는 어떤 특수한 관념을 대표하는가 아니면 단지 정신의 창작물에 불과한가라는 질문에 대해 로크는 보편어의 사용은 그것이 '명목적 본질'을 가리키기 때문에 가능할 뿐이라고 주장했다. 이때 의미(지시)하는 것은 현실적 본질이 아니라 추상적 개념, 즉 '지성의 작업'을 통해 생겨난 어떤 것이다. 제3권의 마지막 부분은 언어의 어쩔 수 없는 불완전성과 피할 수 있는 언어의 남용을 다루었다.

제4권에서는 인간이 갖는 지식의 본성과 범위를 논의했고 논조는 제1, 2, 3권보다 합리론적이다. 로크는 경험론의 관점이 낳는 회의론에 부딪치자 수학의 확실성에서 지식의 이상을 찾는다. 여기서 그는 당시의 합리론자와 같은 관점을 취한다. 지식은 지각이지만 감각지각이 아니라 논증과정에서 얻어지는 지적 직관이다. 제4권의 첫 부분은 데카르트의 직접적 영향을 받았다.

그러나 불행하게도 직관하거나 논증할 수 있는 것은 제한되어 있다. 엄밀한 지식이 수학에만 제한된 것은 아니지만 물리적 세계 내의 관계는 직관할 수 없다. 관념과 명목적 본질은 직접적으로 파악할 수 있지만 실제 사물의 내적 본성은 인식할 수 없다. 현실세계에 대한 '과학', 확실한 지식은 불가능하며, 직관은 관념의 세계에서만 가능하다.

그러나 로크는 물리적 사물에 대한 '감각적 인식'도 확실성에 도달할 수 있다고 주장했다. 더 나아가 자신의 존재는 직관적으로 인식할 수 있다고 주장했다. 이런 종류의 인식은 관념간의 관계에 대한 인식은 아니지만 확실성을 갖는다. 그러나 로크는 대부분의 경우 물리적 세계와 자아에 대한 인식은 개연적이며, 직관에 의존하는 것이 아니라 판단에 의존한다는 점을 분명히 했다.


정치철학에 관한 로크의 가장 중요한 저작은 〈통치이론 Two Treatises of Government〉이다. 이 책의 1부는 17세기 중엽 로버트 필머 경이 왕권신수설을 옹호하기 위해 쓴 〈가부장론 Patriarcha〉을 반박한 것이며 2부는 절대정부론 자체를 반박했다.

로크는 정치권력을 "재산권의 규제와 보존을 위해 사형 및 그 이하의 형벌로 법률을 제정할 권리, 그러한 법률의 시행과 외국의 침략을 막기 위해 공동체의 힘을 행사할 권리, 그리고 어디까지나 공공선을 위한 권리"로 정의했다. 정부는 공공선을 확보하는 조건으로 어떤 통치자에게 신탁된다. 그러므로 통치자의 권위는 절대적이 아니라 조건적인 것이다. 또한 개인은 시민사회에 들어설 때 자신의 모든 권리를 포기하지는 않는다. 개인은 원초적 공유물에 '자신의 노동을 혼합'함으로써 재산권을 획득한다(노동가치론의 싹이 나타나 있음). 개인은 정치권력이 자신의 재산권과 사상·언론·종교의 자유를 보호하는 데 사용되도록 기대할 권리가 있다. 시민사회에 들어설 때 개인은 자연상태에서 가졌던 타인에 대한 처벌권만을 포기한다. 개인은 '자연법의 집행권'을 포기하고 '공공의 수중에 양도'한다. 개인은 시민법에 복종하며 이러한 자발적 복종 속에서 자신의 자유를 발견한다. 이러한 자유를 확보하기 위해 로크는 혼합정체(입법부는 선거로 뽑는 반면 행정부는 보통 한 사람, 즉 군주인 정체)를 내세우고 입법부와 행정부의 분립을 주장했다. 로크에 따르면 인민은 궁극적인 주권자이기 때문에 정부가 신탁조건을 위배할 경우 언제나 지지를 철회하고 정부를 전복할 권리가 있다.


로크에게서 일관된 도덕이론을 찾기란 매우 어렵다. 도덕도 수학처럼 확실한 과학이 될 수 있다는 그의 견해는 잘 알려져 있다. 사실 그의 도덕철학에는 합리론적 경향이 있다. 그러나 때때로 도덕과학을 옹호할 때 그는 단지 도덕논의에서 사용되는 단어에 대한 엄밀한 분석의 가능성만을 염두에 두고 있는 듯하다. 또 다른 경우에는 행복주의 도덕론을 제시한다. "우리가 선이라고 부르는 것은 쾌락을 증대하거나 고통을 감소하는 것이 아니다." 그러나 모든 선이 도덕적 선은 아니다. 도덕적 선은 우리의 도덕적 행동이 '도덕의 진정한 근원'인 신의 의지와 법률에 합치하느냐에 달려 있다.


〈교육에 대한 몇 가지 견해 Some Thoughts Concerning Education〉(1693)에서 로크는 자신의 교육론을 전개했다. 좋은 교육은 정신과 육체 모두에 주의를 기울인다. 좋은 교육자는 운동과 놀이와 충분한 수면을 강조한다. 어린이는 감정을 발산하도록 해주어야 하며 되도록 구속하지 말아야 한다. 교육자는 지식에 앞서 덕성·지혜·좋은 성품을 불어넣어야 한다. 부모도 어린이 양육에 관심을 기울여야 한다. 부모의 모범이야말로 가장 강력한 교육효과를 낳는다. 현대언어와 라틴어, 지리와 역사, 수학, 그리고 나중에는 민법·철학·자연과학 등 유용한 지식도 배워야 한다고 주장했다.


지식의 힘을 신봉했다는 점에서 로크는 최초의 계몽주의 철학자였으며 더 넓게는 영국 경험론 학파와 미국 실용주의 학파의 사상적 전통을 기초한 사람이었다. 조세징수권 논쟁과 1688년 명예혁명에서 휘그당의 이데올로기를 전개한 로크는 자유주의의 고전적 표현을 정식화했다. 그의 자유주의는 미국혁명과 미국헌법에 영향을 미쳤으며 20세기에도 서구에서 강력한 영향력을 발휘하고 있다.

R. I. Aaron 글 | 鄭昌昊 참조집필


4 Major Works


PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, AND EDUCATION: An Essay Concerning Humane [sic] Understanding (1690); Epistola de Tolerantia (1689; A Letter Concerning Toleration, trans. by William Popple, 1689); A Second Letter Concerning Toleration (1690); A Third Letter for Toleration (1692); Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693); The Reasonableness of Christianity, as Delivered in the Scriptures (1695); A Vindication of the Reasonableness of Christianity (1695); A Second Vindication of the Reasonableness of Christianity (1697); Of the Conduct of the Understanding, in Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (1706).

POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY AND ECONOMICS: Two Treatises of Government (1690); Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest, and Raising the Value of Money (1692); Short Observations on a Printed Paper, Intituled, for Encouraging the Coining Silver Money in England, and After for Keeping It Here (1695); Further Considerations Concerning Raising the Value of Money (1695).

RECOMMENDED EDITIONS: A complete edition is The Works of John Locke, new ed. corrected, 10 vol. (1823, reprinted 1963). There is no complete modern edition of Locke's works, although several volumes have appeared in the Oxford Press series, "The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke"; the first of these was a critical edition of An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, edited by Peter H. Nidditch (1975, reprinted 1979). Useful editions of other single works include A Letter Concerning Toleration, edited by James Tully (1983); Two Treatises of Government, edited by Peter Laslett, 2nd ed. (1967, reprinted 1970), a critical edition; and The Educational Writings of John Locke: A Critical Edition with Introduction and Notes, edited by James L. Axtell (1968).


5 Bibliography



5.1 Biographies:

Early works include LORD KING, The Life and Letters of John Locke, new ed. (1858, reissued 1984), an amateurish work but based on the Lovelace Collection of Locke papers in the possession of Peter King's family; and H.R. FOX BOURNE, The Life of John Locke, 2 vol. (1876, reprinted 1969), a detailed study, based on secondary sources. MAURICE W. CRANSTON, John Locke: A Biography (1957, reissued 1985), is now the standard biography. An outstanding resource is E.S. DE BEER (ed.), The Correspondence of John Locke (1976- ), part of "The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke"; 7 of 8 vol. have appeared to 1986.


5.2 Commentaries:

JOHN W. YOLTON, Locke: An Introduction (1985); and JOHN DUNN, Locke (1984), provide general accounts of Locke's life and work. For Locke's theory of knowledge, see R.S. WOOLHOUSE, Locke (1983); and JAMES GIBSON, Locke's Theory of Knowledge and Its Historical Relations (1917, reprinted 1968), another useful introductory essay, if somewhat old-fashioned in its approach. For a survey of Locke's thought, see RICHARD I. AARON, John Locke, 3rd ed. (1971, reprinted 1973); D.J. O'CONNOR, John Locke (1952, reissued 1967); and JOHN W. YOLTON, John Locke and the Way of Ideas (1956, reprinted 1968), a study based on Locke's unpublished as well as his published writings.

Specialized commentaries on Locke's epistemology are found in JOHN W. YOLTON, Locke and the Compass of Human Understanding: A Selective Commentary on the "Essay" (1970); J.L. MACKIE, Problems from Locke (1976); and I.C. TIPTON (ed.), Locke on Human Understanding: Selected Essays (1977). Political theory is covered in STERLING POWER LAMPRECHT, The Moral and Political Philosophy of John Locke (1918, reprinted 1962); GERAINT PARRY, John Locke (1978); J.W. GOUGH, John Locke's Political Philosophy: Eight Studies, 2nd ed. (1973); and M. SELIGER, The Liberal Politics of John Locke (1968), an exposition and a defense of Locke's arguments for political freedom. W. VON LEYDEN, Hobbes and Locke: The Politics of Freedom and Obligation (1981); RICHARD H. COX, Locke on War and Peace (1960, reprinted 1982); and C.B. MACPHERSON, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke (1962, reprinted 1983), explore the relationship between Locke's political thought and that of Thomas Hobbes. See also JOHN DUNN, The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Argument of the "Two Treatises of Government" (1969, reprinted 1982), a survey of Locke's thought in the context of his intellectual environment; and RAYMOND POLIN, La Politique morale de John Locke (1960, reprinted 1984), on Locke's liberalism from the perspective of a French historian of ideas. JAMES TULLY, A Discourse on Property: John Locke and His Adversaries (1980, reissued 1982); GORDON J. SCHOCHET, Life, Liberty and Property: Essays on Locke's Political Ideas (1971); and J.G.A. POCOCK and RICHARD ASHCRAFT, John Locke (1980), discuss Locke's defense of the natural right to property. See also KAREN IVERSEN VAUGHN, John Locke: Economist and Social Scientist (1980), for Locke's ideas on economics; and KENNETH DEWHURST, John Locke, 1631-1704, Physician and Philosopher (1963, reprinted 1984), on his career as a practitioner and theorist of medical science. Research in progress, queries, and corrections to published work on Locke are reported in The Locke Newsletter (annual).


5.3 Bibliographies:

H.O. CHRISTOPHERSEN, A Bibliographical Introduction to the Study of John Locke (1930, reprinted 1968), is still useful, although its references have been assimilated into a larger, more recent work, JEAN S. YOLTON and JOHN W. YOLTON, John Locke: A Reference Guide (1985)--both cover mainly secondary sources. JOHN C. ATTIG (comp.), The Works of John Locke: A Comprehensive Bibliography from the Seventeenth Century to the Present (1985), tracks the various editions and translations of Locke's writings and places them in historical context. See also ROLAND HALL and R.S. WOOLHOUSE, 80 Years of Locke Scholarship: A Bibliographical Guide (1983); and P. LONG, A Summary Catalogue of the Lovelace Collection of the Papers of John Locke in the Bodleian Library (1959), a guide to the most important source of manuscript material.


  • 저서
    • 세속권력론 : J. 로크, 정달현 역, 중문출판사, 1992
    • 통치론/자유론(세계사상전집 13) : J. 로크, 이극찬 역, 삼성출판사, 1982
    • 인간지성론(세계사상대전집 22) : J. 로크, 이용순 역, 대양서적, 1980
    • 시민정부론 : J. 로크, 이극찬 역, 연세대학교 출판부, 1970
  • 연구서
    • 근대철학사-데카르트에서 칸트까지 : R. 샤하트, 정영기·최희봉 공역, 서광사, 1993
    • 계몽시대의 철학 : I. 벌린, 정병훈 역, 서광사, 1992
    • 영국경험론 : F. 코플스턴, 이재영 역, 서광사, 1991
    • 홉스와 로크의 사회철학 : C. B. 맥퍼슨, 황경식 외 역, 박영사, 1990
    • 근대계몽사상의 비교론 : 최명관 외, 한국정신문화연구원, 1984
    • 계몽주의의 철학(청하신서) : 골드만, 문학과 사회연구소 역, 청하, 1983


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