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종교 탐방

II. History of Roman Catholicism

II. 로마 카톨릭의 역사


보편적 그리스도교의 출현

At least in an inchoate form all the elements of catholicity--doctrine, authority, universality--are evident in the New Testament. The Acts of the Apostles begins by focusing on the demoralized band of the disciples of Jesus in Jerusalem; but by the time its account of the first decades is finished, the Christian community has developed some nascent criteria for determining the difference between authentic ("apostolic") and inauthentic teaching and behaviour. It has also moved beyond the borders of Judaism, as the dramatic sentence of the closing chapter announces: "And so we came to Rome" (Acts 28:14). 비록 미완성의 형태이지만, [신약성서] 안에는 교의와 권위, 보편성 등 교회의 모든 요소들이 분명히 나타나 있다. [사도행전]은 예루살렘에 남아 있던 풀이 죽은 예수 제자단에 초점을 맞추면서 시작한다. 그러나 [사도행전] 이야기가 시작된 지 10여 년이 채 안 되어 그리스도교 공동체는 권위있는('사도의') 가르침과 행동, 권위없는 가르침과 행동을 구별하는 몇 가지 초보적인 규준을 마련했다. 이들은 또한 마지막 장의 극적인 문장인 "우리는 마침내 로마로 갔다."(사도행전 28:14)가 선언하는 대로 이미 유대교의 울타리를 넘어서고 있었다.
 The later epistles of the New Testament admonish their readers to "guard what has been entrusted to you" (1 Timothy 6:20) and to "contend for the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints" (Jude 3), and they speak about the Christian community itself in exalted and even cosmic terms as the church, "which is [Christ's] body, the fulness of him who fills all in all" (Ephesians 1:23). It is clear even from the New Testament that the specification of these catholic features was called forth by challenges from within, not only from without; indeed, scholars have concluded that the early church was far more pluralistic from the very beginning than the somewhat idealized pictures in the New Testament might suggest. (see also apostolic church)
As such challenges continued in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, further specification became necessary. The schema of apostolic authority formulated by the bishop of Lyon, Irenaeus (c. 130-c. 200), may serve to set forth systematically the three main lines of authority for catholic Christianity: the Scriptures of the New Testament (alongside the Christianized "Old Testament") as the writings of the Apostles of Christ; the episcopal centres established by the Apostles as the seats of their identifiable successors in the governance of the church; and the apostolic tradition of normative doctrine as the "rule of faith" and the standard of Christian conduct. Each of the three depended on the other two for validation; one could determine which purportedly scriptural writings were genuinely apostolic by appealing to their conformity with acknowledged apostolic tradition and to the usage of the apostolic churches, and so on. This was not a circular argument but an appeal to a single catholic authority of apostolicity, in which the three elements were inseparable. Inevitably, however, there arose conflicts--of doctrine and jurisdiction, of worship and pastoral practice, and of social and political strategy--among the three sources of authority, as well as between equally "apostolic" bishops. When bilateral means for resolving such conflicts proved insufficient, there could be recourse to either the precedent of convoking an apostolic council (Acts 15) or to what Irenaeus had already called "the preeminent authority of this church [of Rome], with which, as a matter of necessity, every church should agree." Catholicism was on the way to becoming Roman Catholic. 2,3세기에는 더욱 구체적인 규준이 필요하게 되었다. 리옹주교인 이레나이우스(130경~200경)가 공식화한 사도적 권위의 3개 요소는 보편적 그리스도교를 위한 권위의 3 가지 주요요소를 체계적으로 밝히는 데 도움이 되었을 것이다. 이 3개 요소는 그리스도 제자들의 작품인 [신약성서](그리스도교화된 [구약성서]와 함께), 그리스도의 제자들이 그들의 교회 통치 권한을 이어받을 후계자의 자리로 설립한 주교좌(主敎座), '신앙의 규칙'과 그리스도인 행동의 표준인 사도의 규범적 교의 전승(傳承) 등이다. 이 3개 요소 중 한 요소의 정당성은 다른 2개 요소와의 부합 여부에 달려 있었다. 즉, 어느 성서적 문헌이 실제로 사도의 작품인지는 그 문헌이 사도 전승이나 사도 교회의 관용어 등과 부합하는지를 대조해 봄으로써 결정할 수 있었다. 그러나 불가피하게도 이 권위의 3가지 요소 사이에, 또는 '사도적'인 주교들 사이에서 교의와 관할권, 예배와 사목적 업무, 사회 정치적인 방법에 대한 갈등이 생겨났다. 이런 갈등을 해소하기 위해서 사도회의(사도 15장)를 소집하여 그 판결에 의존하거나, 또는 "모든 교회가 필수부가결의 요소로 반드시 동의해야 할 이 교회(로마 교회)의 탁월한 권위"(이레나이우스의 말)에 의존했던 것이다. 가톨릭 교회는 바야흐로 로마 가톨릭 교회가 되어가고 있었다.


로마 카톨릭 교회의 출현

1) Internal factors.

내적 요인

Several historical factors, some of them more prominent at one time and others at another, help to account for the emergence of Roman Catholicism from the catholic Christianity of the early church. The twin factors that would eventually be regarded as the most decisive, at any rate by the champions of the primacy of Rome in the church, were the primacy of Peter among the 12 Apostles of Christ and the identification of Peter with the church of Rome. In the several enumerations of the Apostles in the New Testament (Matthew 10:2-5; Mark 3:16-19; Luke 6:14-16; Acts 1:13) there are considerable variations, with further variations in the manuscripts; but what they all have in common is that they list (in Matthew's words) "first, Simon, who is called Peter." "But I have prayed for you," Jesus said to Peter, "that your faith may not fail; and when you have turned again, strengthen your brethren" (Luke 22:32); and again: "Feed my lambs. . . . Tend my sheep. . . . Feed my sheep" (John 21:15-17). Above all, when Christ, according to the New Testament, said to the Apostle Peter, "And I tell you, you are Peter, and on this rock [Greek petra] I will build my church" (Matthew 16:18), that was, according to Roman Catholic teaching, the charter of the church--i.e., of the Roman Catholic Church. 여러 가지 역사적인 요인들이, 초기 교회라는 보편적 그리스도교로부터 로마 가톨릭 교회의 출현을 설명함에 도움을 주고 있으며, 그들 중 몇가지는 저마다 시기에 따라 더욱 중요성을 띤다. 교회 내에서 로마 교황의 수위권(首位權) 옹호론자들이 가장 결정적인 것으로 간주해온 두가지 요인은 그리스도의 12제자 중 베드로의 수위권과 베드로와 로마 교회의 동일시였다. 사도들에 대해 여러 가지로 열거한 [신약성서]의 내용(마태 10:2~5, 마가 3:16~19, 루가 6:14~16, 사도 1:13)에는 상당한 차이가 있으며 필사본에는 더욱 차이가 많지만, 공통적으로 "베드로라고 하는 첫 시몬"(마태오의 표현에서)을 열거하고 있다. 예수가 베드로에게 말했다, "그러나 내가 너를 위하여 네 믿음이 떨어지지 않기를 기도하였노니 너는 돌이킨 후에 네 형제를 굳게 하라" (누가 22:32); 그리고 다시: ""(요한 21:15-17). 무엇보다도 [신약성서]에 보면 그리스도가 제자 베드로에게 "자 들어라, 너는 베드로이다. 내가 이 반석(그리스어로 'petra') 위에 내 교회를 세울 것이다"(마태 16:18)라고 말했는데, 로마 가톨릭 교회의 가르침에 따르면 이것이 바로 교회, 즉 로마 가톨릭 교회의 설립 강령인 것이다.

The identification of this obvious "primacy" of Peter in the New Testament with the "primacy" of the church of Rome is not self-evident, since, for one thing, the same New Testament remains almost silent about a connection of Peter with Rome. The reference at the close of the Acts of the Apostles to the arrival of the Apostle Paul in Rome gives no indication that Peter was there as the bishop or even as a resident, and the epistle that Paul had addressed somewhat earlier to the church at Rome devotes its entire closing chapter to greetings for many believers in the city but fails to mention Peter's name. On the other hand, the first of the two epistles ascribed to Peter does use the phrase (presumably referring to a Christian congregation) "she who is at Babylon" (1 Peter 5:13), which was a code name for Rome. It is, moreover, the unanimous testimony of early Christian tradition that Peter, having been at Jerusalem and then at Antioch, finally came to Rome, where he was crucified (with his head down, according to Christian legend, in deference to the crucifixion of Christ); there was, however, and still is, dispute about the exact location of his grave. Writing around the end of the 2nd century, the North African theologian Tertullian (c. 160-c. 225) spoke of "Rome, from which there comes even into our own hands the very authority of the apostles themselves. How happy is its church, on which apostles poured forth all their doctrine along with their blood! where Peter endures a passion like his Lord's! where Paul wins his crown in a death like that of John [the Baptist]!"

Alongside this apostolic argument for Roman primacy--and often interwoven with it--Rome was honoured because of its position as the capital of the Roman Empire: the church in the prime city ought to be prime among the churches. As the capital Rome drew visitors or tourists or pilgrims from everywhere and eventually became, for church no less than for state, what Jerusalem had originally been called, "the church from which every church took its start, the mother city [metropolis] of the citizens of the new covenant." Curiously, the transfer of the capital of the Roman Empire from Rome to Constantinople by the newly converted emperor Constantine in 330, which weakened Rome's civil authority, served only to strengthen its spiritual authority: the title "supreme priest [pontifex maximus]," which had been the prerogative of the emperor, now devolved upon the pope. The transfer of the capital also occasioned a dispute between Rome ("Old Rome") and Constantinople ("New Rome") over whether the new capital, as capital, should be entitled to a commensurate ecclesiastical preeminence alongside the see of Peter. The second ecumenical council of the church (at Constantinople in 381) and the fourth (at Chalcedon in 451) both legislated such a position for the see of Constantinople, but Rome refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of that prerogative. (see also Index: Chalcedon, Council of)

It was also at the Council of Chalcedon, convoked to resolve the doctrinal controversy between Antioch and Alexandria over the person of Christ, that the council fathers accepted the formula proposed by Pope Leo I (reigned 440-461). "Peter," they declared, "has spoken through the mouth of Leo!" That was only one in a long series of occasions when the authority of Rome, sometimes by invitation and sometimes by its own intervention, served as a court of appeal in jurisdictional and dogmatic disputes that had erupted in various parts of Christendom. During the first six centuries of the church the bishop of every major Christian centre was, at one time or another, charged with heresy and convicted--except the bishop of Rome (although his turn was to come later). The titles that the see of Rome gradually assumed and the claims of primacy it made within the internal life and governance of the church were, in many ways, little more than the formalization of what had meanwhile become widely accepted practice during these first four or five centuries of its history.


로마 교황의 수위권에 대한 논의와 함께 로마는 로마 제국의 수도였기에 또한 중요시되었다. 첫째가는 도시의 교회는 모든 교회 중 첫째여야 했기 때문이다. 묘한 것은 새로 개종한 콘스탄티누스 대제가 330년에로마 제국의 수도를 로마에서 콘스탄티노플로 천도하여 로마의 권위가 약화되었음에도 불구하고, 황제의 특권이었던 최고 사제(Pontifex Maximus) 직함이 교황에게 위임됨으로써 천도는 오히려 로마의 권위를 강화시켜주었다. 천도는 또한 새 수도가 교황청과 동등한 교회의 권위를 갖는가를 놓고 로마('구 로마')와 콘스탄티노플('신 로마') 사이에 분쟁을 야기시켰다. 제2차 공의회(381, 콘스탄티노플)와 제4차 공의회(451, 칼케돈)는 콘스탄티노플 대주교구가 로마와 동등한 지위를 갖는다고 공포했으나 로마 교황청은 이것을 합법적으로 인정하지 않았다.

2) External factors.

외적 요인

In addition to the transfer of the capital from Rome to Constantinople, there were at least two other external factors at the beginning of the Middle Ages that contributed decisively to the development of Roman Catholicism as a distinct form of Christianity. One was the rise of Islam in the 7th century. During the decade following the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 CE his followers captured three of the five "patriarchates" of the early church--Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem--leaving only Rome and Constantinople, located at opposite ends of the Mediterranean and, eventually, also at opposite ends of the East-West Schism. The other force that encouraged the emergence of Roman Catholicism as a distinct entity was the fall of the Roman Empire and the migration into Europe of the Germanic and other tribes that were eventually to constitute its principal population. Some of them, particularly the Goths, had already become Christian before even coming into western Europe. The form of Christianity they had adopted in the 4th century was, however, by the standards of Christian orthodoxy both Eastern and Western, heretical in its doctrine of the Trinity. Therefore the future of medieval Europe belonged not to the Christian tribes but to the pagan tribes, particularly the Franks, once these had become Christian. The Christianity they accepted after their arrival was not only orthodox on the doctrine of the Trinity but it was allied with the authority of the pope. The coronation by the pope of the Frankish king Charles (Charlemagne) as Roman emperor on Christmas Day 800 clearly symbolized that alliance. (see also Index: Roman Republic and Empire) 로마에서 콘스탄티노플로 천도한 것 외에 중세 초기에 최소한 2가지 외적 요인이 로마 가톨릭 교회를 하나의 독특한 그리스도교 형태로 발전시키는 데 결정적인 영향을 주었다. 첫째는 7세기 이슬람교의 융성이었다. 632년 예언자 마호메트 사망 후 한 세기 동안 그의 추종자들은 초기 교회의 5개 총대주교구(Patriarchate) 중 알렉산드리아, 안티오크, 예루살렘 등 3개 교구를 점령하고, 동·서 대분열의 양극이 된 로마와 콘스탄티노플만을 남겨놓았다. 로마 가톨릭 교회가 하나의 뚜렷한 실재(實在)로 출현하게 된 2번째 요인은 당시 게르만 민족과 여타 민족이 유럽으로 이주하여 결국에는 그들이 유럽의 주된 인구를 구성하게 된 민족 대이동과 서로마 제국의 멸망(476)이었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 중세 가톨릭 교회는 콘스탄티누스 대제가 312년 개종을 하지 않았다면 당시의 형태를 취하지 못했을 것이다. 그가 개종한 결과 그리스도교는 몇 세기만에 로마 제국에서 불법적인 지위에서 벗어나 합법적이고 지배적인 위치를 갖게 되었다. 그 이후부터 그리스도교 국가의 통치자는 신앙고백을 해야 했으며 모든 그리스도교 국가의 성격은 교회와 국가가 서로 어떻게 관계를 맺느냐에 따라 크게 좌우되었다. 중세 로마 가톨릭 교회에서 교회 권력이 교황에게 집중됨으로써 교회와 국가의 관계는 교회 자체의 본질을 이해하는 데 끊임없는 문제거리가 되었다. 교회사의 첫 1,000년이 끝날 무렵, 교회는 지나간 수세기 동안의 정신적·행정적·지적 자원의 상속자가 되어 있었다.

3) The early medieval papacy.

During the centuries that marked the transition from the early to the medieval church Roman Catholicism benefited from the leadership of several outstanding popes; at least two of them--both called "the Great" by historians and "Saint" by the Roman Catholic Church--merit special consideration even in a brief article. Pope Leo I was, even for his pagan contemporaries, the embodiment of the ideal of Romanitas in his resistance to the barbarian conquerors. Twice in the space of a few years he was instrumental in saving Rome, from the Huns in 452, when he achieved their withdrawal to the banks of the Danube, and from the Vandals in 455, when his intercession mitigated their depredations in the city. His aforementioned intervention in the doctrinal controversy among Eastern theologians over the person of Christ and the role played by his Tome of 449 in the formula of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 was part of a concerted campaign to consolidate and extend the jurisdiction of the see of Rome over such remote areas as Gaul, Spain, and North Africa--a jurisdiction officially acknowledged by the Roman emperor. Pope Gregory I (reigned 590-604), more than any pope before or after him, laid the foundations for the Roman Catholicism of the Middle Ages. It was he who selected Augustine of Canterbury to bring about the conversion of England to the Christian faith and the Roman Catholic obedience. He asserted the primacy of his see over the entire church, including the patriarchate of Constantinople, and his diplomatic and political skills secured the independence of the Western Roman Catholic Church both from the Byzantine Empire and from the Germanic tribes occupying Italy. Gregory the Great was also one of the most important patrons of the Benedictine monastic movement, to which he owed a considerable part of his own spiritual upbringing (as his biography of Benedict manifests).

Nevertheless, medieval Roman Catholicism would not have taken the form it did without the conversion of the emperor Constantine in 312. As a consequence of that event Christianity moved in a few decades from an illegal to a legal to a dominant position in the Roman Empire. Henceforth every branch of Christendom had to deal with rulers who claimed to profess its faith; conversely, the character of every branch of Christendom could in considerable measure be described on the basis of its way of relating church and state.For medieval Roman Catholicism the centralization of church authority in the pope made the relation of church and state a persistent issue in the very understanding of the nature of the church itself. As the church approached the conclusion of the first millennium of its history, it had become the legatee of the spiritual, administrative, and intellectual resources of the early centuries.

Most of the preceding analysis pertains to the whole of Christendom. The Eastern Orthodox Church has almost as large a share in the developments of the early centuries as does the Roman Catholic Church, and even Protestantism looks to these centuries for its authentication. The Middle Ages may be defined as the era in which the distinctively Roman Catholic forms and institutions of the church were set. The following chronological account of medieval developments shows how these forms and institutions emerged from the context of the shared history of the early Christian centuries. (J.J.Pe.)


중세 초기 및 중기의 교회

1) The concept of Christendom.

그리스도교 국의 개념

By the 10th century the religious and cultural community that is called Christendom had come into being. In every European state the religion of the state was Roman Catholicism. Christendom fought back against Islam in the Crusades (see below), which failed to repossess the lost territories but strengthened the unity of Christendom and rendered it conscious of its power.

The Middle Ages saw the rise of the universities and of a "Catholic" learning, sparked, oddly enough, by the transmission of Aristotle through Arab scholars. Scholasticism, the highly formalized philosophical and theological systems developed by the medieval masters, dominated Roman Catholic thought into the 20th century and contributed to the formation of the European intellectual tradition. With the rise of the universities, the threefold level of the ruling classes of Christendom was established; imperium (political authority), sacerdotium (ecclesiastical authority), and studium (intellectual authority). The principle that each of these three was independent of the other two within its sphere of authority had enduring consequences in Europe.

The same period saw the growth of monasticism. One may see in this withdrawal from the world a response to the essential conflict between Christianity and Roman civilization; those who refused to accept the prevailing compromise between the religious and secular spheres could find no place in the world of the early Middle Ages. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of monasticism was that this withdrawal did not take the form of heresy or schism. Monasticism found a way of refusing the compromise without departing from the church that had made the compromise.

2) A period of decadence.

쇠퇴 기간

This period also revealed the possibilities of corruption within the Roman Catholic Church. Without the accumulated prestige and the precedents established by the 9th-century popes, the claim to primacy would have had difficulty in surviving the subsequent period of papal decadence. In the 870s the imperial government in Italy declined in influence, and the bishopric of Rome, along with other European bishoprics, was increasingly at the mercy of the local nobility, with spasmodic interventions by the 10th-century German emperors.

German kingship entered upon a new epoch in the 10th century. Under Otto I, the Great, the bishops and greater abbots were drawn into royal service and enriched with estates and counties, for which they did feudal homage. Otto conquered northern Italy and extracted from the pope an imperial coronation (962). Both he and his grandson Otto III regarded the papal territory as part of their realm; they appointed and removed popes and presided at synods. Otto III, an enlightened ruler, appointed as pope his old tutor, Gerbert of Aurillac--who took the name Sylvester II--whose brief reign (999-1003) was a shaft of light between two periods in which Roman factions dominated the papacy. (see also Index: Ottonian dynasty)

German "protection," however, had its price. When the emperor Henry III descended into Italy in 1046, deposing three rival claimants to the papacy (Sylvester III, Gregory VI, and Benedict IX) and then appointing his own candidate, Clement II (and later several successors), the Roman Church was in grave danger of becoming an imperial proprietary church, similar to those multitudinous lower churches in Europe whose royal or aristocratic owners regarded them, in accordance with age-old custom, as their own private property to be disposed of at will.

France during this period was fragmented into many feudal domains. This allowed the ecclesiastical hierarchy there a certain independence and cohesion, while the growth of the French reform-oriented monastery at Cluny prepared the country for its message of reform. In England there was a unique intermingling of ecclesiastical and royal administration that, in fact, left the church entirely free. On the fringes of Christendom--Scandinavia, Scotland, Ireland, and northern Spain--there was little hierarchical development. (see also Index: Cluny Abbey)

3) Popular Christianity c. 1000.

1000년까지의 교회

The greater part of central Christendom had by the 11th century been divided into bishops' dioceses and individual parishes. But in the northern and western regions the proliferation of small private churches had not yet been wholly absorbed, and the existence of proprietary and exempt enclaves continued to the Reformation and beyond. The priest, in rural districts usually a villein of the lord (subject to the lord but not to others), cultivated his acres of glebe (revenue lands of the parish church), celebrated mass on Sundays and feasts, recited some of the hours (liturgical or devotional services for use at certain hours of the day, according to the monastic daily schedule), and saw that his flock was baptized, anointed, and buried. Lay people normally received communion four times a year--Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and Assumption (August 15). Auricular (privately heard) confession was widespread but not universal.

Education in the early Middle Ages was at a very low ebb outside the monasteries. Cathedral schools were few, and rural priests who could read Latin easily were rare. Almost all literary work came from the monasteries and in Celtic lands (mainly Ireland) from the half-monastic Culdees (religious recluses). The larger monasteries, such as Cluny or St. Gall (Switzerland), were towns in miniature with a variety of social services; they were also the only reservoirs of learning and artistic skill. On the land, pious practices and beliefs often merged into superstition or "white" magic; and marriage customs, together with the complicated degrees of prohibited relationships, provided endless problems in an epoch when the presence of a priest was not necessary for a valid union. In an age of protective lordship, heavenly patrons were highly valued, and the body or relics of a reputed saint made him the personaa quasi-living protective presence, of a church or abbey. This aspect of belief explains the popularity of pilgrimages to shrines such as that of the Apostles at Rome, St. James at Santiago de Compostela (Spain), the Magi at Cologne (Germany), and countless others. Monastic piety was expressed not only in the liturgy but also in "little offices" (liturgical or devotional services) of the Blessed Virgin, of the cross, of all saints, and of the dead; the primary reason for a monastery's existence was intercessory prayer--hence the numerous monastic foundations by royal and noble families.

중앙집권 체제이던 그리스도교의 상당부분이 10세기 무렵에 와서는 주교관구와 개별적인 관구로 나누어지게 되었다. 중세기에는 대학과 '가톨릭'의 학문이 융성했는데, 이상하게도 그것은 아라비아 학자들을 통해 아리스토텔레스 사상이 전해진 데서 비롯되었다. 중세의 대가들에 의해 고도의 형식을 갖춘 철학적·신학적 체계인 스콜라주의는 20세기에 이르기까지 로마 가톨릭 사상을 지배했으며, 유럽의 지적인 전통을 형성하는 데 크게 기여했다. 또한 중세기에는 수도원제도가 발전했다. 세상으로부터의 은둔은 그리스도교와 로마 문명의 갈등에 대한 한 대응으로 볼 수도 있다. 중세 초기의 교육은 대학과 수도원에서 이루어졌다. 대성당 부설학교가 거의 없었으며, 시골에서는 라틴어를 제대로 해독할 수 있었던 신부도 드물었다. 지방에서는 경건한 종교 의식과 신앙이 종종 미신이나 선의(善意)의 마술 행위와 융합되기도 했으며, 신부의 입회 없이도 적법한 결혼으로 인정되었던 그 당시의 결혼관습은 결혼을 금지한 촌수가 복잡했으므로 더불어 끊임없이 문제를 일으켰다.

4) The first reformers: Leo IX and Nicholas II.

첫 개혁가들인 레오 9세와 니콜라스 2세

Leo IX (reigned 1049-54) was the first pope to impose his authority upon the church in general; he achieved this by a tactic of lengthy tours beyond the Alps, punctuated by synods, in which decrees both dogmatic and disciplinary were passed. He also began the practice of appointing non-Romans to curial (papal administrative) posts and sending legates (papal representatives) to carry out his decrees. A man of great energy and spiritual purpose, he must nevertheless bear the responsibility for a disastrous war that ended in capitulation to the Normans and for choosing the rigid and violent Humbert for the mission to Constantinople in 1054, the year from which the Schism between the churches of the East and West is dated.  레오 9세(1049~54 재위)는 교회 전반에 걸쳐 교황의 권위를 강조한 첫번째 교황이었다. 그는 교황직에 보편적 의의를 다시 부여했고 수위권을 강조했다. 또한 교황의 자문위원회인 추기경단에 비(非)로마인들을 임명하고, 교황의 교령을 실행하도록 교황사절을 파견하는 관례를 만들었다. 그는 왕성한 활동력과 분명한 영적 목표를 지녔지만, 노르만족과의 싸움에서 참패를 당하고 자신도 포로가 되었던 전쟁에 대한 책임과 1054년 완고하고 광포한 훔베르트를 콘스탄티노플에 교황사절로 파견하여 로마와 콘스탄티노플 사이의 불화를 일으켜 결국 동·서 교회가 분열된 데 대한 책임은 모면할 수 없었다.
In the years of confusion that followed, the papal election decree of Nicholas II in 1059 stands out: it gave the right and duty of papal election to the cardinals, tacitly eliminating the king of Germany. The same pope shortly afterward renewed earlier decrees on simony and clerical celibacy but avoided the issue of pope and empire. 니콜라스 2세(1058~61 재위)는 짧은 교황 재위 기간에 교회 내부 개혁을 촉진시키고 교황권을 강화했다는 중요 업적을 남겼다. 그는 교황선거가 추기경들의 선출에 의할 것을 규정한 '교황 선거령'을 발표하여(1059) 세속권력의 개입과 간섭을 배제하고 교황의 권위를 높였다. 그는 힐데브란트(후에 그레고리우스 7세)의 보좌를 받아 교회 개혁에 노력했고, 노르만의 세력과 결탁하여 황제에 대항하는 체제를 정비했다.

5) The reign of Gregory VII.

그레고리우스 7세의 치세

Hildebrand, who succeeded in 1073 as Gregory VII (reigned 1073-85), proved to be one of the greatest of his line and had more influence than any other person of his time upon the external fabric of the church. In his long struggle with the German king Henry IV he suspended and excommunicated his opponent, pardoned him as penitent at Canossa, Italy (1077), excommunicated him again (and was himself twice deposed), and was finally driven from Rome by Henry to die in exile at Salerno (1085). In opposition to Henry's claim to be the divinely appointed vice regent of Christ over the activities of the church, Gregory presented himself as heir to the unlimited commission of Christ to Peter over all souls (Matthew 16:18-19). Beneath these lofty claims lay the ruler's resistance to losing his ancestral right of appointing to office his most influential subjects (who often also held the richest fiefs) and the pope's insistence on the authority of ancient canon law and papal decrees. If the king's claims were inconsistent with the current conception of a free church, the pope's claim and actions were without precedent within the memory or records of his age. 

그레고리우스 7세(1073~85 재위)는 그의 가계에서 가장 탁월한 인물로서 당대 어느 누구보다도 교회의 중앙집권화 등 교회의 외적 조직에 큰 영향을 미쳤으며, 개혁을 매우 성공적으로 수행한 교황이었다. 그레고리우스 개혁의 목표는 '교회의 자유'였으며 교회를 세속 권력자들로부터 해방시키는 것에서부터 출발했다. 그는 교회와 수도회가 왕후와 귀족에 의해 양도되는 것, 속인(俗人)에 의한 임직(任職), 성직매매를 공격했다. 또한 교회의 자주성을 보장하기 위해 자유로운 선거권 회복 등 교회 고유 권한의 회복을 요구했다. 따라서 자연히 정치권력과의 갈등이 생기게 되었다. 그는 자신이 모든 영혼을 위해 그리스도가 베드로에게 부여한 무제한적 임무(마태 16:18~19)를 계승한 후계자라고 공언했다. 그의 이러한 강력한 주장에는 가장 영향력있는 측근들(이들은 가장 비옥한 봉토를 소유했음)을 관직에 임명하는 전통적인 교황의 권리를 빼앗기지 않으려는 것과 옛 교회법과 교황교서의 권위를 높이려는 의도가 내포되어 있었다. 만일 왕의 주장들이 현재의 자유로운 교회의 개념과 일치하지 않았다면, 교황의 주장과 행동들은 자신의 시대에 있어서 기억이나 기록들 안에 선례로서 남지 않았을 것이다.  

Even more directly influential was Gregory's centralization of the church. Through the appointment of plenipotentiary legates (representatives with full power to negotiate), the immediate control of diocesan bishops, canonical elections, and Roman and local synods, and the publication of canonical collections and polemical manifestos a web was spun in which every thread led to Rome. The scattered priests and the distant bishops were gradually becoming a class, the clergy, distinct from others and with a law and a loyalty of their own. 

심지어 더욱 직접적인 영향력은 그레고리가 교회를 중앙집권화한 것이었다. 전권 특사(협상할 수 있는 총체적인 권한을 가진 대리자들)의 임명, 교구의 주교들에 대한 직접적인 통제, 성직자의 선출,  및 로마와 지역의 회의들, 그리고 교회 자료들의 공표 및 반박성명 등을 통하여, 모든 가닥이 로마로 연결되는 거미줄이 쳐졌다. 도처에 흩어져 있는 사제들과 원거리의 주교들이 점차적으로 성직자 계급이 되었으며, 세속의 것들과 구별하여, 자신들의 법률과 충성심을 갖게 되었다.  

Although Gregory died a lonely exile, his principles of reform had found reception all over Europe, and the new generation of bishops was Gregorian in sympathy and obedient in practice to papal commands in a way unknown to their predecessors.

그레고리우스는 비록 고독한 유형지에서 생을 마쳤지만, 그의 개혁 원리는 전유럽에 걸쳐 큰 반향을 불러일으켰고, 새로운 주교들의 세대는 심정적으로 그레고리와 같았으며, 실제에 있어서 그들의 선임자들은 생각지도 못한 방법으로 교황의 명령에 복종하였다.

6) The Investiture Conflict (1085-1122).

임명에 대한 갈등

The efforts of the reformers to make the church independent of lay control inevitably centred upon the appointment of bishops by the ruler of the country or region. In ancient canon law, election of bishops had been by clergy and people; entrance upon office followed lawful consecration. Feudalism and royal claims had transformed election into royal appointment, and admission to office was by means of the bestowal, or investiture, by the lord, of ring and staff (symbols of the episcopal office), preceded by an act of homage. This savoured of simony, both because a layman bestowed a spiritual benefice and because money was often offered or demanded. The conservatives appealed to immemorial practice, accepted and even enjoined by the papacy. (see also Index: Investiture Controversy)

Gregory VII, though asserting the principle of freedom, was in fact tolerant of royal appointments free from simony. Pope Urban II (reigned 1088-99) was equally inconsistent, though in other ways he was a reformer. Pope Paschal II (reigned 1099-1118) at once condemned lay investiture, thus precipitating the crisis in England between Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, and King Henry I. This and a similar crisis in France were settled by a compromise. Election (by the cathedral chapter) was to be free; lay investiture was waived, but homage before the bestowal of the fief was allowed. Meanwhile Paschal, at odds with the German king Henry V, who was demanding imperial coronation, suddenly offered to renounce all church property held by the king if lay investiture were also abandoned. Henry accepted, but the bishops refused the terms; thereupon the King seized the Pope who, under duress, allowed lay investiture. By this time, however, a large majority of the bishops were Gregorians, and the Pope was persuaded to retract. Eleven years later Pope Gelasius II accepted the Concordat of Worms (1122). According to this agreement free election by ecclesiastics was to be followed by investiture (without staff and ring) and homage to the king.

This ended a strife of 50 years, in which pamphleteers on both sides had revived every kind of claim to supremacy and God-given authority. Nominally a compromise, the concordat was in effect a victory for the monarch, for he could usually control the election. Nevertheless, the war of ideologies had exposed the weakness of the emperor who in the last resort had to admit the spiritual authority of the pope, and the struggle left intact the claim of the church to moderate the whole of society.

7) The Crusades.

십자군 운동

The authority of the papacy and the relative decline of the empire also became clear in the unforeseen emergence of the Crusades as a major preoccupation of Europe. The papacy had been stirred more than once by the disasters befalling Eastern Christians, such as their defeats by the Seljuq Turks at Manzikert (1071) and Antioch (1085) in Asia Minor, when the Byzantine emperor Alexius I appealed for help to Pope Urban II. Although this appeal may have been the decisive motive for the Crusade, there were obvious advantages in diverting the Normans of Sicily and other turbulent warriors from Europe to wage a sacred war elsewhere. Urban's celebrated call to the Crusade at Clermont (France) in 1095 was unexpectedly effective, placing the pope at the head of a large army of volunteers. Even though the capture of Jerusalem (1099) and the establishment of a Latin kingdom in Palestine were balanced by disasters and quarrels, the papacy had gained greatly in prestige. Though Germany as a whole had remained aloof, a pope had for the first time stood out as the leader of a European endeavour. The Crusades, with their combination of idealism, ambition, heroism, cruelty, and folly are a medieval phenomenon and, as such, outside modern man's experience. But they were part of the religious background for two centuries and added greatly to the anxieties, both spiritual and financial, of the papacy. 십자군운동은 그레고리우스 개혁을 통해 각성되었던 유럽의 새로운 그리스도교 공동체 의식에서 발생한 것이었다. 그러나 거기에는 또한 기사적(騎士的)인 충동이 강력히 작용하고 있어서, 때때로 비그리스도교적인 유혈 사태를 불러일으키고, 중세의 난폭한 사건들을 유발시켰다. 유럽의 기사도는 성지 탈환 및 이슬람교에 대한 투쟁을 그리스도교 전파를 위한 것으로 파악했다. 투르크인의 예루살렘 정복(1071)과 그들의 갖가지 방해에 대한 순례자들의 불평은 그리스도교적 양심에 대한 호소 같은 인상을 주었다. 더욱이 콘스탄티노플의 세력 팽창을 통제할 필요성이 절실해지고, 황제 알렉시우스 1세(1081~ 1118)가 로마 교회에 간절하게 도움을 호소했을 때, 교황 우르바누스 2세(1088~99 재위)는 1095년 클레르몽(프랑스) 교회회의에서 라틴 그리스도교계에 호소했고, 그 결과 대규모의 자원군대가 형성되었으며 교황이 그 수장(首長)이 되었다. 6차례에 걸친 원정에서 십자군은 예루살렘을 정복하고(1099) 팔레스타인에 라틴 제국을 건설했으며, 교황의 지위가 크게 향상되었다. 그러나 2세기 동안의 십자군 원정은 결과적으로 교황권에 정신적·재정적 부담을 가중시켜 교황권력의 쇠퇴를 가져왔다.


중세 후기의 교회

1) The Proto-Renaissance.

르네상스 태동기

The 12th century, or, more correctly, the century 1050-1150, has been called the first Renaissance. A more accurate title would be the adolescence of Europe, in which higher education, techniques of thought and speech, and a fresh attack upon the old problems of philosophy and theology appeared for the first time in postclassical Europe. All these activities were carried out by clerics and controlled by churchmen. The focus of educational activity was the cathedral school, and the new agent of instruction was the semiprofessional, unattached teacher, such as the French philosopher-theologians Berengarius, Roscelin, and Abelard, though monks such as Lanfranc, Anselm of Canterbury, and Hugh and Richard of the Monastery of St. Victor, Paris, still had a share.

Philosophy was revived through the development of logic and dialectic, which were applied to doctrines of the faith, either as formal exercises, Augustinian speculation, or critical reformulation. From 1100 onward theology, in the modern sense of the word (first used by Abelard), emerged. The teachings of Scripture and of the early Church Fathers on the various doctrines were consolidated and organized in works called Sentences. The first handbook of theology was composed by Abelard. Finally, Peter Lombard (bishop c. 1159) published his Four Books of Sentenceswhich summarized the Christian faith, using the sic-et-non (yes-and-no) dialectic popularized by Abelard and the canon lawyers, and he also pronounced on vexing questions. His classic manual may be said, in modern terms, to have created the syllabus of theological study for the age that followed. Together with the expansion of logic--brought about by the arrival (through Muslim sources) of what was called the new logic of Aristotle--and the emergence of the university, the Sentences ended the era of literary, humanistic, and monastic culture and opened that of the formal, impersonal, Scholastic age.

2) Reformed monasticism.

개혁 수도원 제도

The most distinctive feature of the century 1050-1150, according to some scholars, was the appearance and diffusion of reformed monasticism. Beginning with a few relatively small quasi-hermit orders in Italy, such as the Camaldolese and the Vallombrosans, the movement spread to France with the extreme eremitical Grandmontines (founded in 1077) and the eremitical Carthusians (founded in 1084) and became as wide as Christendom with the multiplication of the daughter monasteries of Cîteaux (founded in 1098). The keynote of the Cistercians (based at Cîteaux) was exact observance of the Rule of St. Benedict, with emphasis on simplicity, poverty, and manual work. The addition of lay brothers tapped a large reservoir in an age of economic and demographic expansion, and the organization of the order--with annual visitations and a general chapter--ensured good discipline and enabled the order to accommodate itself to the strain of a vast family of houses scattered throughout the Latin Church. The success of Cîteaux owed much to the genius of St. Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux from 1115 to 1153, who was for 30 years the untitled religious leader of Europe. Owing to his influence, other new orders, such as the Premonstratensians, the English Gilbertines, and the military Knights Templars, accepted or imitated Cistercian practices. All these and others had a popularity that in any other age would have seemed miraculous, since they practiced austerity. By the end of the 12th century the saturation point for monasticism had been reached all over Europe, save in a few peripheral regions, and the golden age of monasticism had passed.

3) The papacy at its height: the 12th and 13th centuries.

교황권의 전성기(12~13세기)

Gregory VII has often been portrayed as an innovator who lacked both authentic ancestors and true successors. It must be affirmed, nonetheless, that the later history of the papacy, modern as well as medieval, was shaped by what he and his followers did, while the continuing disabilities characteristic of the medieval papacy owed much to what they left undone. Thus, the assimilation of the biblical notion of church office as grounded in love for others to the political notions of office as grounded in power and law--a development in process since the 4th century and earlier--reached a point of no return with Gregory. He functioned within a unified Christian society in which "state" and "church" were no longer conceived as distinct societal entities and was thus impelled by its very dynamic to assert a claim to jurisdictional supremacy even over the Christian emperor. For the next two centuries papal history was characterized by a deepening involvement, direct and indirect, in matters political. As a result there were, under Alexander III (reigned 1159-81) and Innocent IV (reigned 1243-54), renewed clashes with the German emperors and, under Innocent III (reigned 1198-1216), extensive and damaging papal interference in German internal affairs. What alarmed these popes was the fear that imperial policy, by encroaching upon papal territorial independence, also threatened the autonomy of papal action. But with Innocent IV, at least, such a fear was matched by his wish to vindicate, even in temporal matters, the papal claim to supremacy.

Though much of the drama of papal history in this period focused upon these conflicts, the impact that the thoroughgoing politicization of church office had upon the nature and structure of ecclesiastical government and the pope's place in it was of more enduring significance. Here again Gregory's pontificate was something of a watershed. Any lingering belief that the pope's primacy might be regarded primarily as one of honour was now dispelled, and any hesitation about implementing the jurisdictional primacy that had supplanted it now disappeared. The need for papal leadership was so widely accepted that throughout much of the 12th and 13th centuries the demand for it came from the local churches themselves. The outcome was an acceleration in the process that had led, by the late 13th century, to a papal exercise of judicial authority going far beyond the mere acceptance of appeals from lower courts; to an arrogation of the wide-ranging legislative powers manifest in the Decretalsof Gregory IX (1234), the first officially promulgated collection of papal laws; and to the system of "papal provisions" (direct papal intervention in the disposal of benefices) that was finally to be completed by Benedict XII in 1335.

Papal leadership in the church was eventually replaced by papal monarchy over the church. Positively, this transformation was evident in the reforming legislation of the fourth Lateran Council (1215). The negative aspect was to become increasingly obvious as the 13th century wore on. It was no accident that what turned out to be the permanent schism between the Latin and Greek churches occurred at a time when Leo IX had embarked upon a more active exercise of the papal primacy. The more his successors succeeded in establishing the fullness of their jurisdictional power (plenitudo potestatis) within the Latin Church, the less chance there was of healing the schism. Nor did papal sponsorship of the Crusades, however great the prestige it had brought to Urban II at the time of the First Crusade, ultimately redound to the benefit of the religious life of the church.

Least justified of all was the administrative centralization attendant upon the exercise of the plenitudo potestatis when it was finally measured against the price that had to be paid--notably the corruption spawned by the stringent financial measures (e.g., sale of indulgences, benefices, etc.) needed to support the growing army of clerical bureaucrats at Rome. And on this point one of the things left undone by the Gregorian reformers proved to be crucial. Their failure to uproot the notion of the "proprietary church" explains both the willingness of later canonists to classify the laws governing the disposition of ecclesiastical benefices under the heading not of public but of private law (law pertaining to the protection of proprietary right) and also the tendency of medieval persons in general to regard ecclesiastical office less as a focus of duty than as a source of income or an object of proprietary right. When the 13th-century popes found that direct papal taxation did not yield funds sufficient to support their bureaucrats, they adopted the practice of "providing" them to benefices all over Europe, for the law itself encouraged them to think of such benefices as sources of much needed revenue. Thus arose the characteristic abuses of pluralism (holding more than one benefice) and nonresidence against which church reformers from the mid-13th century on railed in vain and the blame for which they were soon to lay at the door of a papacy that had finally come to be regarded as an obstacle rather than a spur to reform.

교황 그레고리우스 7세는 흔히 그의 개혁 기반이 될 만한 전임 교황이나 그의 개혁정책을 이어받은 진정한 후임 교황이 없었던 개혁자로 알려져 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 그 후 중세는 물론 현대에 이르기까지 교황권의 역사는 그레고리우스 7세와 그의 신봉자들의 업적에 의해 형성되었다. 그러면서도 중세교황권의 특징이었던 무능함은 그레고리우스와 그의 신봉자들이 해결하지 않고 방치하였기 때문이라는 점도 지적되어야 한다. 그레고리우스 교황은 '국가'와 '교회'를 서로 다른 사회적 실체로 생각하지 않았으며, 그는 통합된 그리스도교 사회에서 직분을 수행했다. 따라서 그러한 사회적 역학 때문에 그리스도교 신자인 황제에게까지 교황의 수위권을 주장했다. 향후 2세기 동안 교황청은 정치문제에 대해 직접적·간접적으로 깊이 관여하게 되었고, 교황직이 기본적으로 명예직이라는 생각은 사라지게 되었다.

교회 안에서 교황의 지도력은 결국 교회를 지배하는 교황의 군주정치로 바뀌고 말았다. 또한 성직 겸임(성직록을 하나 이상 소유하는 것)이나 13세기 중엽부터 교회개혁자들이 잘못을 지적했으나 시정되지 않은 채 지속되던 비거주 성직록 소유(관할구에 거주하지 않으면서 성직록을 소유하는 것) 등 특유의 성직록 남용 문제가 나타났다. 마침내 교황권은 개혁을 촉진시키는 것이 아니라 오히려 개혁을 가로막는 장애물로 여겨지게 되었다.


4) The age of faith.

신앙의 시기

Below the level of the papacy, however, a spiritual revival had taken place. The 12th century, perhaps more than any other, was an age of faith in the sense that all men, good or bad, pious or worldly, were fundamentally believers, and religious causes and interests (crusades, monastic foundations, building churches, and assisting education and charities) made up much of the life of the literate and administrative classes. Lay religion was, as never before or since, permeated with monastic ideals. Prodigious numbers of the populace became monks, knights (members of military-religious orders), labourers (lay brothers), and lay people who followed monastic rules, and the favourite lay devotions were short versions of monastic offices. Almost every church--whether cathedral, monastic, parochial, or private--was built or rebuilt between 1050 and 1200. Almost all baronial families founded a monastery, and townspeople not only paid for their cathedrals but often supplied materials and labour.

The pontificate of Innocent III saw the appearance of a totally new form of religious life, that of the penniless or mendicant friar. Francis of Assisi (1181/82-1226), a personality of magnetic originality who believed that he was called by Christ to preach poverty, had no thought of founding an order; but his message and his genius exactly suited his age, and the vast concourse of his followers gradually changed from a homeless, penniless band of preachers and missionaries in Italy into an international body governed by a single general and devoted to the service of the papacy. Dominic of Spain (c. 1170-1221), on the other hand, with a vocation to preach doctrine to heretics and with followers keeping a canonical rule, changed his existing institute into one of friars. Gradually the two groups became similar: international, articulated groups of men bound to an order but not to a community. They took the customary monastic vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience but dropped the vow of stabilitas (stability) in favour of mobility, and they were governed by elected superiors under a supreme chapter and general. Unpredictably, first the Dominicans and then the Franciscans entered and soon dominated the theological schools of Paris and Oxford. Two similar bodies joined them, the Carmelites and Austin Friars, and for almost a century the friars were the theologians, the preachers, and the confessors of the Christian people.

교황권 아래 계층에서는 신앙부흥운동이 일어났다. 12세기에는 모든 사람들이 선하거나 악하거나, 신심이 깊거나 세속적이거나 근본적으로 신자들이었으며, 또한 종교적인 동기와 관심(십자군운동, 수도원 창설, 교회 건축, 교육 및 자선사업 원조 등)이 교양있는 시민과 행정가들 생활에 절대적인 비중을 차지하고 있었다. 이런 점에서 12세기는 다른 어느 때보다도 신앙의 시대였다. 이때 아시시의 프란키스쿠스(프란체스코)와 스페인의 도미니쿠스 등의 지도 아래 설교와 가르침, 선행에 헌신하는 탁발수사회가 생겨났다.

13세기는 또한 사상과 신학, 예술 영역의 활동이 왕성했고 성숙을 이룬 시기였다. 전체적으로 유럽의 13세기는 주교들과 대학교육을 받은 성직자들이 교구와 본당 조직을 개선하고 많은 악습을 개혁하려고 노력한 시기였다. 13세기의 마지막 25년은 점차 가톨릭 교회에 대한 적대감과 핍박이 몰아치기 시작한 시기였다. 스콜라 신학의 황금시기는 갑작스런 종말을 맞게 되었고 종교재판소(이단자들을 다루기 위해 1229년 설립한 교회재판소)와 교황청 법원은 이단 혐의자들에 대한 비인간적인 판결을 내림으로써 증오심을 유발했다.


5) The rise of heresy.

이단의 창궐

Before the middle of the 12th century heresy on a large scale was unknown in the West. The early dissenters were often radical reformers such as the Italian canon Arnold of Brescia (d. 1155), an outspoken critic of clerical wealth and corruption. Then there appeared in northern Italy and southern France the sect, Eastern and Manichaean in origin, later known as the Cathari (the "pure," from the ascetic lives of their leaders). This sect had an organization and liturgical life that imitated Christianity; but it overtly denied many key doctrines, such as the incarnation of Christ, and was dualistic in that it regarded matter and the human body as evil and the spirit as good. Its emphasis on poverty and its genuine solidarity of mutual assistance appealed to many by contrast with the luxury and wealth of the Catholic hierarchy. A little later another type of dissent appeared with the Waldenses (founded by a French reformer named Valdes) of the Rhône Valley and Piedmont. These groups, basically and professedly orthodox, together with the reform-minded Humiliati of Lombardy (Italy), practiced poverty, Scripture reading, and preaching. The Cathari were proscribed as heretics by the papacy and were attacked by a crusade and later by the Inquisition, and they gradually disappeared. The Humiliati remained orthodox as a quasi-religious order. The Waldenses, largely through mismanagement by the bishops, drifted away from the church and remained throughout the Middle Ages and after a non-Catholic body. These heretical movements, together with numerous legal disputes between monks and bishops, and bishops and metropolitans (ecclesiastical provincial leaders), imparted a sense of decline and peril to the last decades of the 12th century, which were notably barren of saints and great men. The church was too rich and too set in its hierarchical ways to meet the demands of larger populations and economic stresses, especially in urban conditions. Reformers demanded a spirit of poverty and a fresh wind of spirituality.

6) The golden age of Scholasticism.

스콜라철학의 황금시기

The 13th century was an age of fresh endeavour and splendid maturity in the realms of thought, theology, and art. Philosophy, hitherto almost exclusively devoted to logic and dialectic, had stagnated in the later 12th century. It was revived by the gradual arrival from Spain and Sicily of translations of the whole corpus of Aristotle's writings, often accompanied by Arabic and Jewish commentaries and treatises. Aristotle, especially in his Metaphysics and Ethics, opened the whole field of philosophy to the schools. After a short period of hesitation his works were used by theologians, at first eclectically and then systematically. The great German philosopher and theologian Albert of Cologne (known as Albertus Magnus) and his more famous pupil Thomas Aquinas rethought the system of Aristotle in Christian idiom, pouring into it a fair dose of Neoplatonism from St. Augustine. Aquinas, in some 25 years of work, set theology firmly on a philosophical foundation. The Italian theologian Bonaventure (1217-74), in an even shorter career, renewed the traditional approach of Augustine and the Victorine monks regarding theology as the guide of the soul to the vision of God. At the same time masters in the arts school of Paris used Aristotelian thought to present a naturalistic system that clashed with orthodox teaching. The condemnations that ensued in 1272 and 1277, coinciding with the deaths of Bonaventure and Aquinas (1274), included some Thomist theses. This apparent victory of conservatism ended the long era in which Greek thought was regarded as right reason and foreshadowed the age of individual systems and the divorce of philosophy from theology.

7) Ecclesiastical life in the 13th century.

13세기의 교회의 삶

The coming of the friars and the legislation of the fourth Lateran Council in Rome (1215)--including requirements of annual confession and communion and a reduction in number of the impediments to marriage--saved the lower classes for the church and silenced many of the critics of the establishment. Well-trained and extremely mobile, the friars were able to reach and hold regions and peoples that the static monks and clergy had failed to move. The 13th century in Europe as a whole was a time of pastoral endeavour in which bishops and university-trained clergy perfected the diocesan and parish organization and reformed many abuses. It was an age of active and spiritual bishops, many of them masters in theology and themselves friars. There also were controversies. The early friars served and were welcomed by the bishops and parish clergy, but clashes soon occurred; the papacy gave the friars exemptions and privileges so wide that the basic rights of the secular clergy were threatened. An academic war of pamphlets led to an attack on the vocation and work of the friars. A compromise was finally arranged by Boniface VIII (reigned 1294-1303) that was just and workable; under a revised form it lasted for two centuries. The bishop could refuse friars entry into his diocese, but once they had been admitted, the friars were free from his control.

8) Troubles of the church c. 1300.

13세기 교회의 문제들

The last quarter of the 13th century was a time of growing bitterness and harshness. The golden age of Scholastic theology had come to an abrupt end. The troubles of the Franciscans--divided into those who stood for the absolute poverty prescribed by the rule and testament of Francis (the Spirituals) and those who accepted papal relaxation and exemptions (the Conventuals)--were a running sore for 60 years, vexing the papacy and infecting the whole church. The Inquisition (the ecclesiastical tribunal instituted in 1229 to deal with heretics) and the papal court incurred odium for their inhumane and inequitable treatment of those suspected of heresy.

Another instance of hardening sentiment is seen in the treatment of the Jews. Between 800 and 1200 the Jewish population had increased significantly in Lombardy, Provence, and the towns of the river valleys of the Rhône, the Rhine, and the Danube. They entered England only after the Norman Conquest (1066.) Apart from heretics such as the Cathari they were the only "foreign body" in Western Christendom and as such attracted the special notice of the ignorant and brutal. There were shocking massacres of Jews when the Crusades were preached, especially in the Rhineland, and after various instances of panic on the part of Christians, Jews were accused of sacrilege and child murder. These, however, were all mob movements, resisted by kings and bishops. Later the Jews suffered from suspicions that were aroused by the Cathari. The fourth Lateran Council gave the Jews a distinguishing badge and forbade their employment by governments. This established once and for all the ghetto system in large towns but did not at first impair Jewish prosperity. Later on the growing class of Christian merchants became jealous and hostile, and in 1290 and 1306 the Jews were expelled from England and France. This swelled their numbers in Germany, thenceforward called "the classic land of Jewish martyrdom." Groups remained in Italy, and the Roman colony was never disturbed. In Spain toleration gave way to widespread persecution and conversion under duress, which left a heritage of sorrow for the future. (see also Index: anti-Semitism )

9) The "Babylonian Captivity."

바빌론 유수

In 1303, despite its resounding claims and its complex governmental machinery, the prestige of the papacy had fallen so low that it was possible for mercenaries in French pay and under French leadership to harass and humiliate the pope with impunity; Boniface VIII, at Anagni was arrested in his own family (Caetani) palace. The aftermath of this "outrage of Anagni" was the "Babylonian Captivity"--the desertion of Rome by the popes and their long residence (1309-77) at Avignon, Fr.--so called after the 70 years of Jewish exile in Babylon in the 6th century BC.

The disputes of the Franciscans, which had crystallized finally upon the teaching of the Spiritual Franciscans that their absolute poverty was that of Christ, were harshly settled (1322) by the irascible octogenarian John XXII (reigned 1316-34). A group of Franciscans, however, led by Michael of Cesena, general of the order, and William of Ockham, became bitter and formidable critics of the papacy. With them for a time was the Italian political philosopher Marsilius of Padua, a Paris master who, in his Defensor pacis (1324), outlined a secular state in which the church was a government department, the papacy and episcopate human institutions, and the spiritual sanctions of religion relegated to a position of honourable nonentity. Between them, Ockham and Marsilius used almost all the arguments that have ever been devised against the papacy. Condemned more than once, Marsilius had little immediate effect or influence, but during the Great Schism of the papacy (1378-1417) and later, in the 16th century, he and Ockham had their turn.

With the papacy "in captivity" and Nominalism capturing the universities, Europe and the church entered upon an epoch of disasters, of which the Hundred Years' War between England and France (began 1337) and the Black Death (1348-49) were the most clearly seen by contemporaries. For all this, Christian life in the first half of the 14th century changed little. Many of the largest parish churches of Europe date from this time, as do many popular devotions, prayers, hymns, and carols; also, many hospitals and almshouses were founded. Though the relations between the friars and the secular clergy had been canonically settled, friction continued. The friars came under wider criticism for worldliness and immorality, but they remained popular. Though heresy and antisacerdotal (anticlerical) sentiment became almost endemic in the cities of Belgium and the Netherlands, the 14th century produced some of the greatest mystical writers of the church's history: Johann Tauler and Jan van Ruysbroeck in the north, Catherine of Siena in Italy, and the anonymous author of The Cloud of Unknowing and Walter Hilton in England.

The missionary enterprise during the period 1000-1350 involved three principal fields of work: Spain, central Europe, and Asia. In Spain the absorption of the Mozarabic Church (the Arabic term for Spanish Christians under Moorish rule) and the reestablishment of Catholic practices was accomplished by Spaniards who followed the crusade ideal and by volunteers, partly monastic, from beyond the Pyrenees. In central Europe, Pope Sylvester II (reigned 999-1003) had founded the ecclesiastical hierarchies of Hungary and Poland. The region between these countries and Germany was gradually conquered and Christianized by neighbouring bishops and German missionaries. The Baltic lands were won by a mixture of preaching and the swords of the Teutonic Knights (a military monastic order) between 1100 and 1400. Purer in motive and magnificent in design were the efforts of the Franciscans and Dominicans in the Middle and Far East. Both orders preached to the Muslims, and early in the 13th century the Franciscans were in Georgia and Persia and the Dominicans in Syria. In mid-century the Franciscans penetrated Mongolia and established a church in China with an archbishop and 10 suffragan bishops, and under John XXII there was a hierarchy in Persia. All this might well have endured, had not the last of the great invasions (1383), under the Turkic conqueror Timur, or Tamerlane, broken all links between Europe and the East.


중세 후기에서 종교개혁까지

The most decisive--and the most traumatic--era in the entire history of Roman Catholicism was the period from the middle of the 14th to the middle of the 16th century. This was the time when Protestantism, through its definitive break with Roman Catholicism, arose to take its place on the Christian map. It was as well the period during which the Roman Catholic Church, as an entity distinct from other "branches" of Christendom, even of Western Christendom, came into being. There is therefore much to be said for the thesis that Roman Catholicism in the form in which it is known today is, in many fundamental ways, a product of the Reformation.

로마 가톨릭 교회의 전 역사 중 가장 결정적으로 치명상을 입은 시대는 14세기 중엽부터 16세기 중엽까지 2세기 동안이었다. 이 시기는 로마 가톨릭 교회의 결정적인 분열을 통해 프로테스탄트가 출현하여 그리스도교 지도에 특정한 위치를 차지하게 된 시기였다. 이 시기는 또한 로마 가톨릭 교회가 다른 그리스도교계, 심지어는 서양의 다른 그리스도교계 분파와 구별되는 실체로 등장하게 된 때이기도 했다. 따라서 오늘날과 같은 형태의 로마 가톨릭 교회는 종교개혁의 결과라는 주장에는 재론의 여지가 많다.

1) Late medieval reform: the Great Western Schism and conciliarism.

중세 말기의 개혁: 거대한 서구의 분파주의와 회의주의

Reformation of the church and the papacy was what the advocates of a return of the papacy from Avignon to Rome had in mind. In the pope's absence, both the ecclesiastical and the territorial authority of the papacy had deteriorated within Italy itself, and the moral and spiritual authority of the papacy was in jeopardy throughout Christian Europe. This condition, so many believed, would continue and even worsen so long as the papacy remained in Avignon. Pope Urban V (reigned 1362-70) attempted to reestablish the papacy in Rome in 1367, but after a stay of only three years he returned to Avignon, only to die soon after his return. It was finally Gregory XI (reigned 1370-78) who, in 1377, permanently moved the papal headquarters back to Rome; but he died only a few months later. The immediate result of the return to Rome was the very opposite of the restoration of confidence and credibility that, for differing reasons, the prophetic voices and the political calculations of the 14th century had predicted would come from it. For not only had the church during its residence in Avignon come under the political and religious domination of France, which resisted the repatriation of the papacy to Italy, but the weakness of the papacy in Avignon had enabled the college of cardinals and the papal bureaucracy to fill the administrative vacuum by developing a pattern of government that can only be described as oligarchic. The powers that the cardinals had succeeded in appropriating were difficult for the centralized authority of the papacy, whether in Avignon or in Rome, to reclaim for itself.
Meeting in Rome for the first time in nearly a century, the college of cardinals elected Pope Urban VI (reigned 1378-89). But his desire to reassert the monarchical powers of the papacy, as well as his evident mental illness, prompted the cardinals to renege on that choice later in the same year. In his stead they elected Clement VII (reigned 1378-94), who soon thereafter took up residence back in Avignon. (This Clement VII is officially listed as an antipope, and the name was later taken by another pope, Clement VII [reigned 1523-34].)   The years from 1378 to 1417 count as the time of the Great Western Schism, so identified to distinguish it from the no less great East-West Schism. The Great Western Schism divided the loyalties of Western Christendom between two popes, each of whom excommunicated the other and all of the other's followers. In the conflict between them, kingdoms, dioceses, religious orders, parishes, even families were split; and the pretensions of a church that claimed to be, as the Nicene Creed said, "one, holy, catholic, and apostolic" were seen as a mockery, since the empirical church--whichever it was--was in fact none of these. No one could be absolutely certain about the validity of the sacraments if the integrity and very unity of the church, and therefore of the episcopate, and therefore of the priesthood, were in doubt. Speaking for a broad consensus, the University of Paris proposed three alternatives for resolving the crisis of the institution, which had now become, for laity and clergy alike, a crisis of faith: resignation by both popes, with the election of a single unchallenged successor; adjudication of the dispute between the two popes by some independent tribunal; or appeal to an ecumenical council, which would function as a supreme court with jurisdiction over both claimants.

The third of these, the summoning of a general church council, seemed to the theologians at Paris and to many others to be the preferable route. The first of several reform councils was held at Pisa in 1409 to deal with the schism and with the many other problems of discipline and doctrine that had arisen. Pisa elected Alexander V (reigned 1409-10) as pope in place of both incumbents. But, because neither of the other two would acknowledge the authority of the council and resign, the immediate result was that for a few years, as one cardinal said, the church was treated to "a simulacrum of the Holy Trinity"--the spectacle of three popes. That spectacle and the Great Western Schism itself came to an end through the work of the Council of Constance (1414-18). In addition to the settlement of the question of papal legitimacy, Constance enacted legislation on a variety of reform issues. Among others it stipulated that thenceforth, as a matter of church law, the church council was not to be seen as an expedient to be resorted to in an emergency but as a standing legislative body, a kind of ecclesiastical senate that should meet at brief and regular intervals. The decree of the Council of Constance justified this provision on the principle that the authority of the ecumenical council as the true representative of the entire church was superior to that of the pope, who could not make a similar claim for himself apart from the council. In oversimplified form, this elevation of conciliar over papal authority may be taken as the central tenet of the late medieval movement called conciliarism. (see also Index: Pisa, Council of)

This action also helps to account for the ambiguous position of the Council of Constance in the history of later Roman Catholic canon law, with opinions of canonists and historians differing to this day about which sessions of the council are entitled to the status of a true ecumenical council. An ambiguity even more complex attended the next of the reform councils, which used to be known in history books as the Council of Basel-Ferrara-Florence but is now sometimes divided into two councils, that of Basel and that of Ferrara-Florence, with the legitimacy of the Council of Basel contested in whole or at least in part. The council opened at Basel in 1431, was transferred by the pope to Ferrara in 1438 (although a substantial portion of its membership remained in Basel, continued discussing and legislating, and was eventually excommunicated as schismatic), moved to Florence in 1439, and held its closing sessions at Rome in 1443-45. While still at Basel, the council reaffirmed the conciliarist teaching of Constance about the superiority of the council to the pope.

Both the Council of Constance and the Council of Florence have additional importance in the history of late medieval reform in Roman Catholicism: Constance for dealing with the problem of heresy within the Western Church, Florence for addressing itself to the relation of Western Roman Catholicism to Eastern Christendom.

1378~1417년의 시기는 분열의 정도가 비숫했던 1054년의 동서 대분열과 구분하기 위해 서방교회 대분열의 시기라고 일컫는다. 이것은 교황 2명이 서로 상대방과 그 신도들을 파문하여 유럽 교회가 둘로 갈라진 사건이었다. 이들의 갈등으로 인해 제국, 교구, 수도회, 본당, 심지어는 가정까지 분열되었다. 양 교회는 서로 니케아 신조에서 명시한 '하나이고, 거룩하고 보편적이며 사도적인' 교회라고 주장했는데, 실제적 교회의 모습은 둘 다 그렇지 못했기 때문에 비웃음만 사게 되었다. 많은 사람들은 두 교황들간의 분쟁을 해결하기 위해 전체 교회회의를 소집하는 것이 바람직하다고 생각했다. 따라서 여러 차례 공의회가 열렸는데, 첫번째 회의는 1409년 피사에서 개최되어 교회 분열 문제를 비롯하여 그동안 발생된 규율과 교의에 대한 여러 문제를 다루었다. 유럽 교회 대분열은 콘스탄츠 공의회(1414~18)로서 끝을 맺게 되었다.


2) Jan Hus.

얀 후스

A major item on the agenda of the Council of Constance was the challenge posed to the authority of both contending parties, council as well as pope, by the teachings of the Czech preacher and reformer Jan Hus (c. 1372-1415) in Prague. In every century of the Middle Ages there had been calls for reform in the church, and in times of moral corruption or of administrative chaos such calls inevitably became more intense. But the Hussite movement proved to be more than just another protest. It was animated by a definition of the church, rooted in the Augustinian tradition, that drew a sharp distinction, if not quite a disjunction, between institutional Christendom as headed by the pope and the true church as headed by Christ. The true church consisted only of those who had been predestined for membership by God and who were true believers and saints; no hypocrite, even one in the highest ecclesiastical position, could belong to that true church.

Despite the accusations of his critics, it seems clear that Hus did not draw from this premise the radical conclusion that sacraments administered by a hypocritical priest or bishop or pope were invalid in themselves; the priestly office and the sacraments retained their objective validity. A prominent element of the Hussite demands, however, was a call for the administration of Holy Communion to the laity "under both kinds--bread and wine--[sub utraque specie]," that is, they demanded the restoration of the chalice; the followers of Hus emblazoned a chalice on their banners. The Hussite program of reform coalesced with the rising nationalism of the Czech people, many of whom saw in the Roman Catholic Church a symbol of Italian and German domination.

In 1411 Hus was excommunicated by Pope John XXIII (reigned 1410-15), now identified as an antipope, but in keeping with the widespread spirit of conciliarism he appealed his case to an ecumenical council of the church. Therefore he was summoned to appear before the Council of Constance and was promised a safe-conduct by Sigismund (1368-1437), the Holy Roman emperor. Once at the council, however, Hus was arrested and incarcerated. He was tried for heresy (particularly because of his doctrine of the church) and condemned, and on July 6, 1415, he was put to death. His main prosecutors were also the leaders of the reform movement at the Council of Constance, notably Jean de Gerson (1363-1429), chancellor of the University of Paris. The death of Hus was not, however, the end of his movement. A principal difference between Hus and most other medieval reformers was that while they and their followers remained (though sometimes just barely) within the boundaries of Roman Catholicism, the outcome of his agitation was in fact the founding of a new church, one that continued to exist outside the structure of Roman Catholicism. In this respect, as well as in various specific doctrinal and moral teachings, he anticipated the development of the Protestant Reformation a century later, and his 16th-century disciples saw that development as a vindication of his and their position.


콘스탄츠 공의회의 주요의제 중 하나는 서로 대립하는 양 교회와 교황 및 공의회의 권위에 도전한 체코 프라하의 설교가이며 개혁자인 얀 후스(1372~1415)에 대한 것이었다. 1411년 후스는 오늘날 대립교황이라고 부르는 교황 요한네스 23세(1410~15 재위)에 의해 파문당했으나, 화해의 기운이 무르익으면서 콘스탄츠 공의회에 출두하도록 소환되었으며, 지기스문트황제(1368~1437)는 후스에게 안전통행권을 약속했다. 그러나 황제의 약속과는 달리 후스가 소환에 응해 1414년 11월 콘스탄츠 공의회에 나왔을 때 체포·감금되었다. 그는 특히 교회에 대한 과격한 교리 때문에 이단죄로 기소되어 유죄판결을 받아 1415년 7월 6일 처형되었다.

중세에서 종교개혁으로 변천하는 과정은 점진적인 것이었으나 14,15세기에 들어서면서 그 방향이 분명하게 드러나기 시작했다. 스콜라 신학 자체가 경건주의자의 공격을 받았고, 그리스도교 인문주의자들은 그리스도교 문명의 기초, 즉 그리스와 라틴어 고전, 성서학과 교부학으로 복귀하여 교회를 개혁할 것을 역설했다.


3) Efforts to heal the East-West Schism.

동서분열 치유의 노력

At Basel, and then especially at Florence, there were extensive negotiations and discussions over the newly revived proposals for effecting a reunion of the Eastern Orthodox Church and Western Roman Catholicism. Earlier attempts at such a reunion, for example at the Council of Lyon in 1274, had failed. But now the time seemed ripe on both sides for a new effort at negotiation and reconciliation. Christian Constantinople was under increasing threat from the Turks and wanted Western support, moral as well as military. Leaders of the West, regardless of party, saw the prospect of achieving a long-sought rapprochement with the East as a means of restoring the prestige of both the papacy and the ecumenical council, which could then be seen as having resolved both of the major schisms of Christian history--the Great Western Schism and the East-West Schism--in the space of one generation. The patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph II (c. 1360-1439), and the Byzantine emperor, John VIII Palaeologus (1391-1448), both came in person to the Council of Florence for the theological negotiations pointing toward reunion of the two churches.

In the course of the doctrinal discussions between Greeks and Latins all the major points of difference that had historically separated the two churches received detailed attention. The Greeks acknowledged the primacy of the pope, and the West acknowledged the right of the East to ordain married men into the priesthood. The chief sticking point, as always, was the doctrine of the Filioque Did the Holy Spirit in the Trinity proceed from the Father only, as the East taught, or "from the Father and the Son [ex Patre Filioque]," as the Western addition to the text of the Nicene Creed affirmed? At stake here was not only the dogmatic Trinitarian question itself, over which the disputes between the Latins and the Greeks had been raging since the 9th century, but the authority of one part of the church, viz., the Roman Catholic Church, to make an alteration in the text of an ecumenical creed through unilateral action, that is, without the sanction of a truly ecumenical council representing the entire church. Almost all those present at Florence came to an agreement that the dispute over the Filioque was chiefly one of words, not of content, since it could be amply documented that both versions of the doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit had substantial attestation from the teachings of the Church Fathers in both churches. Agreement on the Filioque and on all other points at issue led to the adoption of a document of union, Laetentur Coeli promulgated on July 6, 1439 (and still commemorated in a plaque on the wall of the Duomo in Florence). But the reunion came too late for both sides. It was repudiated in the East, both at Constantinople and in the other Orthodox churches, notably the Church of Russia; and it was soon evident that in the West the internal problems of the church and the papacy had not been laid to rest by this temporary victory. Once again, as so many times throughout Christian history, the reunion of the Eastern and the Western Churches proved to have been a dead letter and an unattainable goal.


4) Roman Catholicism on the eve of the Reformation.

종교개혁 직전의 로마 카톨릭 교회

i) The decline of Scholastic theology.

스콜라 신학의 쇠퇴

The transition from the Middle Ages to the Reformation was a gradual one, but--at least in hindsight--its direction seems to have become clear already in the 14th and especially in the 15th century. One development that was both a cause and a result of that transition was the decline of Scholastic theology. As practiced, albeit with great divergence of opinion on many issues, by its leading expositors, Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventure, Scholasticism had been the systematization of the Roman Catholic understanding of the relation between the claims of human reason and the authority of divine revelation. To that end it had made use of philosophy, particularly of the newly available works of Aristotle, to describe the natural potentialities of human ways to truth in order then to enthrone Christian theology as "the queen of the sciences."

With good reason have historians seen in that schema of reason and revelation the counterpart in the life of the mind to the schema of church and society set forth, earlier in the century of Aquinas and Bonaventure, by Pope Innocent III (reigned 1198-1216). These historians draw a similar correlation between the waning prestige of the papacy in the late Middle Ages and the shattering of the Scholastic synthesis by the work of such philosophical theologians as William of Ockham. Some of the theological descendants of Bonaventure, less confident of the powers of human reason than he, elevated the primacy of faith and the authority of Scripture to an almost exclusive position as a way to truth, while some of the philosophical descendants of Aquinas appeared, at least to their critics, to be expanding the realm of what was knowable by natural means to the point that the primacy of faith was threatened by an all-engulfing rationalism. All the varieties of Scholastic teaching, moreover, were under attack from those leaders of late medieval Roman Catholic piety who contended that the crisis of faith and of the church called for a return to the authentic religious experience of the primitive church as set forth in the New Testament.

ii) Expressions of spirituality and folk piety.

영성의 표현들과 민중의 신심

Late medieval spirituality cannot be dismissed as merely a symptom of the general malaise in Roman Catholic Christendom; it must be recognized as a dynamic force. One of its noblest monuments, the devotional manual entitled The Imitation of Christ, became, second only to the Bible itself, the most widely circulated book in Christian history. Traditionally attributed to Thomas à Kempis in 1441, the Imitation, although impeccably orthodox in its doctrinal emphases, took the reader beyond (or behind) the authoritative structures of both church and dogma to the inner meaning of the gospel and the inner life of the believing heart: the Christ of the creeds was, above all, the Christ of the Gospels, who summoned his followers not only to orthodoxy in their theology but to discipleship in their lives. The author of the Imitation participated in the spiritual life and discipline of the Brethren of the Common Life, one of the many lay communities, both female and male, that sprang up during the 15th century as centres for the cultivation of authentic Christianity even in the midst of ecclesiastical corruption and theological sterility.

Other expressions of folk piety, too, were flourishing on the eve of the Reformation. Partly as a continuing effect of the establishment of the orders of friars in the 12th and 13th centuries, there was a revival of interest in preaching throughout Roman Catholic Europe. Along with it developed a growing attention to the Bible, which for the first time began to circulate widely, also in vernacular translations, as a consequence of the invention of printing. The 15th century is also in many ways the high point in the history of Roman Catholic devotion to the Virgin Mary. At the same time there is also evidence among the common people of a tide of anticlericalism, much of it in reaction to the corruption of the church and the clergy, and of a growing skepticism among intellectuals and secular rulers even about fundamental Roman Catholic teachings.

iii) Roman Catholicism and Renaissance humanism.

로마 카톨릭 교회와 인문주의 부흥

At least some of that skepticism arose within the intellectual and literary milieu of Renaissance humanism, whose relation to Roman Catholicism was far more complex than has often been supposed. The efforts of 19th-century historians of the Renaissance--many of whom were themselves under the influence of both anticlericalism and skepticism--to interpret humanism as a neopaganism in revolt against traditional Christian beliefs have been fundamentally recast by modern scholarship. Not only were many of the popes during the 15th and 16th centuries themselves devotees and patrons of Renaissance thought and art, but a Renaissance figure like Nicholas of Cusa, arguably the greatest mind in Christendom East or West during the 15th century, was at the same time a metaphysician of astonishing boldness and creativity, an ecumenical theologian looking for points of contact not only with other Christians but even with Islam, and a reform cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church.

Thus in the light of recent study the humanists emerge as Christians who were working simultaneously for the reform of the church and of literary culture. To achieve those ends, they urged a return to the basics of Christian civilization, that is, to the Greek and Latin classics and to the monuments of biblical and patristic literature. Lorenzo Valla in Italy and then Desiderius Erasmus in the North are by no means isolated cases among the humanists for this blending of Christianity and classical culture. Erasmus ridiculed the Scholastics for their philosophical abstractions and for their bad Latin, and in his anonymous satire Julius exclusus e coelis he lampooned the effort of Pope Julius II (reigned 1503-13) to get into heaven. Erasmus also edited the writings of most of the major Church Fathers in both Latin and Greek. His edition of the Greek New Testament, the Novum instrumentum of 1516, was intended to stimulate a renewal of authentic Christian faith and life, which he himself called "the philosophy of Christ," in a corrupt Roman Catholicism. Significantly, this merciless critic of the current state of Roman Catholicism nevertheless found it impossible to affiliate himself with the Protestant Reformation when it arose, and he died a faithful, if unappreciated, member of the Roman Catholic Church.

iv) Roman Catholicism and the emergence of national consciousness.

로마 카톨릭 교회와 민족적 의식의 부각

As it had done since the time of the emperor Constantine, the relation of church and state shaped much of the history of Roman Catholicism on the eve of the Reformation. In most of the states constituting Western Christendom the 15th century was the time of an awakening of national consciousness, whose particularity and regionalism could set it into opposition with the universalism of a world church. In the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century such opposition between nation and church was to lead to a break with Roman Catholicism as such; but it is evident from the examples of 15th-century France and Spain that it could also lead to the alternative of a national Catholicism that remained in communion with Rome. As the seat of the Avignon papacy and the stronghold of the conciliarism represented by Chancellor Jean de Gerson and Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly, 15th-century France stood for just such a definition of Catholicism; and in the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges of July 7, 1438, the French clergy came out in support of what were taken to be the historical rights of the Gallican Church to administer its own affairs independently of Rome while maintaining its ties of filial loyalty and doctrinal obedience to the Holy See.

A few decades later, in 1469, the marriage of King Ferdinand of Aragon and Queen Isabella of Castile effected the union of Catholic Spain. In 1482 Ferdinand and Isabella concluded a concordat with the Holy See, under whose terms the Spanish crown retained the right to nominate candidates for the episcopate. Queen Isabella's father confessor, the humanist educator, Roman Catholic primate of Spain, and grand inquisitor, Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros (1436-1517), blended Spanish patriotism, Renaissance scholarship, and a strictly orthodox Roman Catholicism in a form that was to characterize the church in the Hispanic lands of both the Old and the New World for centuries to come.



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