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종교 탐방

III. The Age of Reformation and Counter-Reformation

종교개혁과 반종교개혁 시대

The spectre of many national churches supplanting a unitary Catholic Church became a grim reality during the age of the Reformation. What neither heresy nor schism had been able to do before--to divide Western Christendom permanently and irreversibly--was done by a movement that confessed a loyalty to the orthodox creeds of Christendom and professed an abhorrence for schism. By the time the Reformation was over, Roman Catholicism had become something different from what it had been in the early centuries or even in the later Middle Ages.

종교개혁은 그리스도교에서 사상 유례없는 큰 재난이었을 뿐만 아니라, 그 중요성에 있어 비길 만한 것이 없을 만큼 근세의 발전에 결정적 영향을 미쳤다. 종교개혁으로 일치가 파괴되고 신앙의 공동기반이 근본적으로 동요되었을 뿐만 아니라, 종교적 사고가 종파적 사고로 분열되었다.

여러 세기가 지나면서 유럽 각 국가의 교회들은 독특한 특성을 갖게 되었다. 종교개혁 시기 동안 하나의 가톨릭 교회를 대체하여 다채로운 국가교회들이 출현하려는 움직임이 엄연한 현실이 되어버렸다. 전에는 어떤 이단이나 이교도 유럽 그리스도교를 돌이킬 수 없이 항구적으로 분할시키지 못했지만, 이 기간 중에는 그리스도교의 정통 교의에 충성을 표명하고 분열을 증오한다고 고백하는 운동에 의해 교회분열이 행해졌다. 종교개혁이 끝나기 전에 로마 가톨릭 교회는 이미 지난 여러 세기, 심지어는 중세 후반기의 가톨릭 교회와도 다른 교회가 되어 있었다.

종교개혁의 기원은 극히 복합적인 문제이기 때문에 중세교회의 여러 가지 폐해로 인해 종교개혁이 일어날 수밖에 없었다고 말할 수는 없다. 종교개혁이 일어나지 않을 수 없었다는 주장이 있는가 하면, 교회 안에서의 개혁운동을 통해 참된 회복으로 이끌었어야 했다는 주장도 또한 적잖다. 그렇게 되지 않은 것은 내적인 필연성 때문이 아니라 동시에 일어난 많은 사건들 때문이라는 것이다. 아무튼 종교개혁에 관한 최근의 연구는 종전의 관례적인 흑백이론을 극복했고, 중세 후기 교회의 절대적인 도덕적 타락에 대한 이제까지의 왜곡된 견해들을 시정했다.

1. Roman Catholicism and the Protestant Reformation.

로마 가톨릭 교회와 프로테스탄트 종교개혁

Whatever its nonreligious causes may have been, the Protestant Reformation arose within Roman Catholicism; there both its positive accomplishments and its negative effects had their roots. The standing of the church within the political order and the class structure of western Europe had been irrevocably altered in the course of the later Middle Ages. Thus the most extravagant claims put forward for the political authority of the church and the papacy, as formulated by Pope Boniface VIII (reigned 1294-1303), had come just at the time when such authority was in fact rapidly declining. By the time Protestantism arose to challenge the spiritual authority of the papacy, therefore, there was no longer any way to invoke that political authority against the challenge. The medieval class structure, too, had undergone fundamental and drastic changes with the rise of the bourgeoisie throughout western Europe; it is not a coincidence that in northern Europe and Britain the middle class was to become the principal bulwark of the Protestant opposition to Roman Catholicism. The traditional Roman Catholic prohibition of any lending of money at interest as "usury," the monastic glorification of poverty as an ascetic ideal, and the Roman Catholic system of holidays as times when no work was to be done were all seen by the rising merchant class as obstacles to financial development.

Accompanying these sociopolitical forces in the crisis of late medieval Roman Catholicism were spiritual and theological factors that also helped to bring on the Protestant Reformation. By the end of the 15th century there was a widely-held impression that the resources for church reform within Roman Catholicism had been tried and found wanting: the papacy refused to reform itself, the councils had not succeeded in bringing about lasting change, and the professional theologians were more interested in scholastic debates than in the nurture of genuine Christian faith and life. Such sentiments were often oversimplified and exaggerated, but their very currency made them a potent influence even when they were mistaken (and they were not always mistaken). The financial corruption and pagan immorality within Roman Catholicism, even at the highest levels, reminded critics of "the abomination of desolation" spoken of by the prophet Daniel, and nothing short of a thoroughgoing "reformation in head and members [in capite et membris]" seemed to be called for.

These demands were in themselves nothing new, but the Protestant Reformation took place when they coincided with, and found dramatic expression in, the highly personal struggle of one medieval Roman Catholic. Martin Luther asked an essentially medieval question: "How do I obtain a God who is merciful to me?" He also tried a medieval answer to that question by becoming a monk and by subjecting himself to fasting and discipline--but all to no avail. The answer that he eventually did find, the conviction that God was merciful not because of anything that the sinner could do but because of a freely given grace that was received by faith alone (the doctrine of justification by faith), was not utterly without precedent in the Roman Catholic theological tradition; but in the form in which Luther stated it there appeared to be a fundamental threat to Catholic teaching and sacramental life. And in his treatise The Babylonian Captivity of the Church, issued in 1520, Luther denounced the entire system of medieval Christendom as an unwarranted human invention foisted on the church.

Although Luther in his opposition to the practice of selling indulgences was unsparing in his attacks upon the moral, financial, and administrative abuses within Roman Catholicism, using his mastery of the German language to denounce them, he insisted throughout his life that the primary object of his critique was not the life but the doctrine of the church, not the corruption of the ecclesiastical structure but the distortion of the gospel. The late medieval mass was "a dragon's tail," not because it was liturgically unsound but because the medieval definition of the mass as a sacrifice offered by the church to God--not only, as Luther believed, as a means of grace granted by God to the church--jeopardized the uniqueness of the unrepeatable sacrifice of Christ on Calvary. The cult of the Virgin Mary and of the saints diminished the office of Christ as the sole mediator between God and the human race. Thus the pope was the Antichrist because he represented and enforced a substitute religion in which the true church, the bride of Christ, had been replaced by--and identified with--an external juridical institution that laid claim to the obedience due to God himself. When, after repeated warnings, Luther refused such obedience, he was excommunicated by Pope Leo X in 1521.

Until his excommunication Luther had gone on regarding himself as a loyal Roman Catholic and had appealed "from a poorly informed Pope to a Pope who ought to be better informed." He had, moreover, retained an orthodox Roman Catholic perspective on most of the corpus of Christian doctrine, not only the Trinity and the two natures in the person of Christ but baptismal regeneration and the Real Presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Eucharist. Many of the other Protestant Reformers who arose during the 16th century were considerably less conservative in their doctrinal stance, distancing themselves from Luther's position no less than from the Roman Catholic one. Thus Luther's Swiss opponent, Ulrich Zwingli, lumped Luther's sacramental teaching with the medieval one, and Luther in turn exclaimed: "Better to hold with the papists than with you!" John Calvin was considerably more moderate than Zwingli, but both sacramentally and liturgically he broke with the Roman Catholic tradition. The Anglican Reformation strove to retain the historical episcopate and, particularly under Queen Elizabeth I, steered a middle course, liturgically and even doctrinally, between Roman Catholicism and continental Protestantism.

The polemical Roman Catholic accusation--which the mainline Reformers vigorously denied--that these various species of conservative Protestantism, with their orthodox dogmas and quasi-Catholic forms, were a pretext for the eventual rejection of most of traditional Christianity, seemed to be confirmed with the emergence of the radical Reformation. The Anabaptists, as their name indicated, were known for their practice of "rebaptizing" those who had received the sacrament of baptism as infants; this was, at its foundation, a redefinition of the nature of the church, which they saw not as the institution allied with the state and embracing good and wicked members but as the community of true believers who had accepted the cost of Christian discipleship by a free personal decision. Although the Anabaptists, in their doctrines of God and Christ, retained the historical orthodoxy of the Nicene Creed while rejecting the orthodox doctrines of church and sacraments, those Protestants who went on to repudiate orthodox Trinitarianism as part of their Reformation claimed to be carrying out, more consistently than either Luther and Calvin or the Anabaptists had done, the full implications of the rejection of Roman Catholicism, which they all had in common.

The challenge of the Protestant Reformation became also the occasion for a resurgent Roman Catholicism to clarify and to reaffirm Roman Catholic principles; that endeavour had, in one sense, never been absent from the life and teaching of the church, but it came out now with new force. As the varieties of Protestantism proliferated, the apologists for Roman Catholicism pointed to the Protestant principle of the right of the private interpretation of Scripture as the source of this confusion. Against the Protestant elevation of the Scripture to the position of sole authority, they emphasized that Scripture and church tradition were inseparable and always had been. Pressing that point further, they denounced justification by faith alone and other cherished Protestant teachings as novelties without grounding in authentic church tradition. And they warned that the doctrine of "faith alone, without works" as taught by Luther would sever the moral nerve and remove all incentive for holy living.

Yet these negative reactions to Protestantism were not by any means the only, perhaps not even the primary, form of participation by Roman Catholicism in the history of the Reformation. The emergence of the Protestant phenomenon did not exhaust the reformatory impulse within Roman Catholicism, nor can it be seen as the sole inspiration for Catholic reform. Rather, to a degree that has usually been overlooked by Protestant historians and that has often been ignored even by Roman Catholic historians, there was a distinct historical movement in the 16th century that can only be identified as the Roman Catholic Reformation.

어쨌든, 비종교적인 원인이 무엇이었든간에, 프로테스탄트 종교개혁은 종교개혁의 긍정적인 업적과 부정적인 결과의 원천이었던 로마 가톨릭 교회 내에서 일어났다. 서구 유럽의 정치적 질서와 계급구조가 바뀜에 따라 교회의 위치는 중세 후반기를 통해 돌이킬 수 없이 변했다. 따라서 프로테스탄트가 교황권의 영적 권위에 도전해 일어났을 때에는 그에 대항할 어떤 정치적 방법도 없었다. 교회의 특정 교리들 외에 '고리대' 금지와 청빈의 찬양도 유럽의 신흥 상인계급에 어울리지 않았다.

중세 말엽 로마 가톨릭 교회가 위기에 처했을 때, 정치적·사회적 세력들과 더불어 프로테스탄트 종교개혁을 일으키도록 거들어준 주요요인으로는 영적·신학적인 요인이 있었다. 15세기 말엽까지 로마 가톨릭 교회 내에는 교회개혁을 위한 여러 시도가 있었지만, 많은 사람들은 그 시도가 충분하지 못함을 공감하고 있었다. 즉 교황권은 자체개혁을 거부했고, 공의회는 항구적인 변화를 일으키는 데 실패했으며, 직업적인 신학자들은 참된 그리스도교 신앙과 생활에 대한 훈육보다는 현학적인 논쟁에 더 관심을 기울이고 있었다. 로마 가톨릭 교회 내에서 심지어는 고위 성직자 층에서도 "황폐하게 하는 가증한 것"이라는 예언자 다니엘의 말이 생각날 정도로 재정적 부패와 이교도적 부도덕이 횡행했으며, 많은 사람들은 '머리와 지체의 개혁'이 철저히 일어나야 한다고 느끼고 있었다.

이러한 개혁에 대한 여론은 그 자체로는 새로운 것이 아니었다. 그러나 이러한 여론이 한 사람의 로마 가톨릭 교도인 루터의 개인적인 투쟁과 일치하고 그 투쟁을 통해 극적으로 표현되면서 프로테스탄트 개혁은 발생하게 되었다. 마르틴 루터는 본질적으로 중세적인 질문을 던졌다. "나는 나에게 자비로우신 하느님을 어떻게 구할 것인가?" 그가 결국 찾았던 대답은 하느님은 죄인이 값없이 주시는 하느님의 은총을 받을 수 있기 때문에 자비로우시다는 확신(믿음으로 의롭다 함을 받는다는 교리)이었다. 이러한 확신은 로마 가톨릭 신학 전통에서 전혀 전례가 없었던 것은 아니었으나, 루터가 이를 주창하는 방식은 가톨릭의 가르침과 성사적 생활을 근본적으로 위협하는 것처럼 보였다. 또한 루터는 1520년에 발행한 그의 논문 〈교회의 바빌론 유수 The Babylonian Captivity of the Church〉에서 중세 그리스도교의 모든 제도는 인간이 부당하게 꾸며낸 것을 교회에 삽입한 것이라고 비난했다.

루터는 그의 생애 동안 줄곧 로마 가톨릭 교회의 도덕적·재정적·행정적 남용에 대해 공격했는데, 그 대상은 교회의 생활이 아니라 가르침이었으며, 교회 조직의 부패가 아니라 복음의 왜곡이었다. 중세 후기의 미사가 '용의 꼬리'가 된 것은 전례상 건전하지 못해서가 아니라, 하느님이 교회에 허락한 은총의 수단으로 미사를 규정하는 데 그치지 않고, 교회가 하느님에게 제공하는 성사로 규정하는 중세의 미사 이해가 갈보리에서 이루어진 그리스도의 반복 불가능한 희생의 유일회성을 위협하기 때문이라고 루터는 생각했다. 루터는 여러 차례에 걸쳐 경고를 받았지만 복종을 거부했으며 1521년 마침내 교황 레오 10세에게 파문을 받았다.

한편 프로테스탄트 종교개혁의 도전은 다시 부흥하려는 로마 가톨릭 교회의 근본방침을 명확히 하고 재확인하는 계기가 되었다. 프로테스탄트 개혁은 로마 가톨릭 교회의 개혁을 위한 충동을 잠재우지 못했을 뿐만 아니라, 가톨릭 교회 개혁을 위한 유일한 대안으로 생각되지도 않았다. 오히려 16세기에는 로마 가톨릭 교회의 자체 개혁으로 간주될 수밖에 없는 뚜렷한 역사적 운동이 일어났다. 그중 가장 중요한 사건은 1545~1563년 사이에 간헐적으로 25차례나 열렸던 트리엔트 공의회였다. 트리엔트 공의회는 성서와 전통의 권위에 근거하여 믿음과 선행으로 의롭다고 인정받는 교리를 채택했다. 트리엔트 공의회의 결의와 실천을 주도적으로 이행한 곳은 새로 설립된 수도회, 특히 예수회였다. 로마 가톨릭 교회의 여타 수도회도 이 개혁 시기에 시작되었다.

교회의 내적 생활과 규율을 개혁하기 위한 트리엔트 공의회의 법 제정은 현대 로마 가톨릭 교회가 발전하는 데 중요한 역할을 했다. 규정들 가운데 가장 널리 영향을 미친 것은 모든 교구는 교구 내 신학교의 신학생들에게 올바른 교육을 시켜야 한다는 규정과 성직자, 특히 주교는 설교에 더욱 심혈을 기울여야 한다는 규정이었다. 따라서 트리엔트 공의회를 통해 로마 가톨릭 교회와 교황제도는 다듬어져 현대사에서 볼 수 있는 로마 가톨릭 교회로 발전하게 되었다.


2. The Roman Catholic Reformation.

로마 카톨릭의 개혁

1) The Council of Trent.

트렌트 공의회

The most important single event in that movement was almost certainly the Council of Trent, which met intermittently in 25 sessions between 1545 and 1563. The bitter experiences of the late medieval papacy with the conciliarism of the 15th century made the popes of the 16th century wary of any so-called reform council, for which many were clamouring. After several false starts, however, the council was finally summoned, and it opened on Dec. 13, 1545. The legislation of the Council of Trent enacted the formal (and apparently final) Roman Catholic reply to the doctrinal challenges of the Protestant Reformation and thus represents the official adjudication of many questions about which there had been continuing ambiguity throughout the early church and the Middle Ages. The either/or doctrines of the Protestant Reformers--justification by faith alone, the authority of Scripture alone--were anathematized, in the name of a both/and doctrine of justification by faith and works on the basis of the authority of Scripture and tradition; and the privileged standing of the Latin Vulgate was reaffirmed, against Protestant insistence upon the original Hebrew and Greek texts of Scripture.

No less important for the development of modern Roman Catholicism, however, was the legislation of Trent aimed at reforming--and at re-forming--the internal life and discipline of the church. Two of its most far-reaching provisions were the requirement that every diocese provide for the proper education of its future clergy in seminaries under church auspices and the requirement that the clergy and especially the bishops should give more attention to the task of preaching. The financial abuses that had been so flagrant in the church at all levels were brought under control, and stricter rules were set requiring the residency of bishops in their dioceses. In place of the liturgical chaos that had prevailed, the council laid down specific prescriptions about the form of the mass and liturgical music. What emerged from the Council of Trent, therefore, was a chastened but consolidated church and papacy, the Roman Catholicism of modern history.

2) New religious orders.

새로운 성직 서열

Some of the outcome, and much of the enforcement, of the Council of Trent was in the hands of the newly established religious orders, above all of the Society of Jesus, the Jesuits. Unlike the Benedictine monks or the Franciscan and Dominican friars, the Jesuits were specifically dedicated to the task of reconstructing church life and teaching in the aftermath of the Protestant Reformation. They thus came to be called the "shock troops of the Counter-Reformation." In pursuit of that mission they became especially active in scholarship and education, above all in the education of the nobility; through their pupils they sometimes wielded as great an influence in the affairs of the state as in those of the church. Although they were by no means the only religious order in the foreign missions of the church, their responsibility for regaining outside of Europe the power and territory that the church had lost in Europe as a consequence of the Protestant Reformation made them the leading force in the Christianization of newly discovered lands in the Western Hemisphere, Asia, and the islands of the sea. At the beginning of the 17th century, for example, they established in Paraguay a virtually autonomous Jesuit colony.

In addition to the Jesuits, other Roman Catholic religious orders, too, owed their origin to the age of the Reformation. The Capuchin friars renewed the ideals of the Franciscan order, and by their missions both within and beyond the historical boundaries of Christendom they furthered the revival of Roman Catholicism. The Theatines were founded by Gaetano da Thiene and the bishop of Chieti (Theate), Gian Pietro Carafa, who went on to become Pope Paul IV (reigned 1555-59); both through the program of the order and in his pontificate, the correction of abuses in the church assumed primary importance. Despite the attacks of the Reformers on the institutions and even the ideals of monasticism, it was in considerable measure a reformed monasticism that carried out the program of the Roman Catholic Reformation.

3. The Counter-Reformation.

반동 종교개혁

Recognition of the scope and success of the indigenous movements for reform within 16th-century Roman Catholicism, therefore, has rendered obsolete the practice of certain earlier historians, who lumped all of these movements under the heading "Counter-Reformation," as though only Protestantism (or, perhaps, only the historian's own version of Protestantism) had the right to the title of "the Reformation"; hence the use here of the term Roman Catholic Reformation. Yet that does not deny a proper meaning of "Counter-Reformation" as part of the larger phenomenon, for counteracting the effects of Protestantism was part of the program of the Council of Trent, the Society of Jesus, and the papacy during the second half of the 16th century and beyond.

The Counter-Reformation was launched wherever there had been a Protestant Reformation, but it met with strikingly varied degrees of success. Most of the "German lands" in which Luther had worked remained Protestant after his death in 1546, but major territories, above all Bavaria and Austria, had been regained for Roman Catholicism by the time the 16th century was over. The Huguenot Wars between 1562 and 1598 regained France for the Roman Catholic cause, although the Edict of Nantes of 1598 granted a limited toleration to the Protestants; it was revoked in 1685. Perhaps the most complete victory for the Counter-Reformation was the restoration of Roman Catholic domination in Poland and in Hussite Bohemia.

The victory of the Habsburg Counter-Reformation there and the defeat of Czech Protestantism were a consequence of the Battle of White Mountain of 1620 in the early years of the Thirty Years' War. Often called the first modern war, this series of conflicts wrought devastation in the populations of central Europe, Roman Catholic at least as much as Protestant. The conclusion of the war in the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 meant for Roman Catholicism the de facto acceptance of the religious pluralism that had come out of the Reformation: Protestantism, both Lutheran and Calvinist, obtained a legal standing alongside Roman Catholicism in what had previously been regarded as "Catholic Europe." In a war that had presumably begun as a "religious war" aimed at the resolution of the confessional impasse brought about by the Reformation, the formation of a military alliance between Cardinal Richelieu of France and the Lutheran king of Sweden, Gustav II Adolf, was a symbol of a process of the secularization of politics in which the old antitheses, including finally the very antithesis between Roman Catholic and Protestant, no longer seemed as relevant as they had once been.


반동 종교개혁은 프로테스탄트 종교개혁이 있었던 곳에서는 어디서나 일어났지만 그 개혁의 성공 여부는 지역마다 달랐다. 루터가 활동했던 대부분의 '독일 영지들'은 1546년 루터가 죽은 뒤 프로테스탄트로 남아 있었지만, 주요 영토들, 특히 바이에른과 오스트리아는 16세기 말경 로마 가톨릭 교회의 신앙을 회복했다. 아마도 반동 종교개혁이 이룩한 가장 완벽한 승리는 후스파가 지배한 보헤미아에서 로마 가톨릭 교회가 절대적 위치를 회복한 것으로 본다.

흔히 최초의 현대식 전쟁이라고 하는 30년 전쟁은 중부유럽의 로마 가톨릭 교회 인구를 프로테스탄트 인구만큼이나 파괴시켰다. 1648년 베스트팔렌 조약으로 전쟁은 종결되었으나 베스트팔렌 조약은 종교개혁으로 발생한 종교 다원주의를 로마 가톨릭 교회가 사실상 인정한 것으로 규정했다. 로마 가톨릭 교회는 여전히 자신만이 지구상의 유일한 예수 그리스도 교회임을 선언했지만 여러 교회 중 하나의 존재가 된 현실을 받아들여야 했다. 이러한 변화의 결과는 17,18세기 교황권에서 명백해졌다. 1622년 6월 6일 그레고리우스 15세(1621~23 재위)는 신앙 전파 성성(Congreatio de Propaganda Fide)을 설치했다. '성성'이 하는 일은 통상적인 교회 행정이 없는 지역(예를 들면 1908년까지의 미국)에서 교회 업무를 관장하면서 그리스도교 지역에 대한 교회의 선교사업을 조직·감독하는 일이었는데, 이는 현재도 그렇다. 따라서 '성성'은 프로테스탄트 지역과 일부 동방정교회 지역 로마 가톨릭 교회 회복운동에 중요한 역할을 했다.


4. Post-Reformation conditions.

종교개혁 이후의 상황

The signing of the peace in 1648 may have meant that the era of the Reformation had ended, but for those who remained loyal to the see of Rome it meant that what had been thought of as a temporary disturbance would now be a permanent condition. The church still claimed to be the only true church of Jesus Christ on earth, but, in the affairs of men and of nations, it had to live with the fact of its being one church among several. The Roman Catholic Church was also obliged to deal with the nations and national states of the modern era one by one. To understand the history of modern Roman Catholicism, therefore, it is necessary to identify trends that went beyond geographic boundaries and to consider trends within particular states or regions--such as France, Germany, the New World, or the mission field--only as illustrations of tendencies that permeated the entire life of the church. Most of the development of Roman Catholicism since 1648 makes sense only in the light of this changed situation.

The results of the change became evident in the papacy of the 17th and 18th centuries. On June 6, 1622, Gregory XV (1621-23) created the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, hence "propaganda"). Its responsibility was, and still is, the organization and direction of the missions of the church to the non-Christian world as well as the administration of the affairs of the church in areas that do not have an ordinary ecclesiastical government (for example, the United States as late as 1908). It has therefore played an important role in the efforts to restore Roman Catholicism in Protestant and, to some degree, in Eastern Orthodox territories.

5. Developments in France.

프랑스의 진전들

1) The Gallican problem.

프랑스 교회 문제

In many ways it was the relation of the church to individual political powers rather than the leadership of the popes that determined the course of church history. Not only the shrinking authority of the church as a consequence of the Reformation but also the expanding ambition of the state as a consequence of the growth of nationalism put ecclesiastical and secular governments on a collision course throughout Europe. France, "the first daughter of the church," was the national state whose development during the 17th and 18th centuries most strikingly dramatized the collision, so much so that Gallicanism, as the nationalistic ecclesiastical movement was called in France, is still the label put on the efforts of any national church to achieve autonomy.

Usually the autonomy from Rome implied subjection to the French crown, particularly during the reign of Louis XIV, who sought to extend still further the so-called prerogatives of France when Rome resisted. A conclave of bishops and deputies met on March 19, 1682, in Paris and adopted the Four Gallican Articles, which had been drafted by Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, a French bishop and historian. These asserted that: (1) In temporal matters rulers are independent of the authority of the church. (2) In spiritual matters the authority of the pope is subject to the authority of a general council, as had been declared at the Council of Constance. (3) The historic rights and usages of the French church cannot be countermanded even by Rome. (4) In matters of faith the judgment of the pope is not irreformable but must be ratified by a general council. The next move was up to the papacy: Innocent XI and Alexander VIII rejected Louis's candidates for bishoprics in France, and only in 1693, when Innocent XII was pope, was this all but schismatic conflict resolved. Gallicanism was in part an expression of the distinctive traditions of French Catholicism and in part a result of the personal power of Louis XIV, the Sun King. But it was also, and perhaps even more fundamentally, a systematic statement of the inevitable opposition between the papacy and a series of rulers from Henry VIII (1491-1547) of England to Joseph II (1741-90) of Austria, who, though remaining basically Catholic in their piety and belief, wanted no papal interference in their royal business but insisted on the right of royal interference in the business of the church.

2) Jansenism.


The church in France was the scene of controversies other than these administrative and political ones. In 1640 there was published, posthumously, a book by the Dutch theologian Cornelius Jansen, entitled Augustinuswhich was a defense of the theology of Augustine against the dominant theological trends of the time within Roman Catholicism. Its special target was the teachings and practices associated with the Jesuits. Jansen and his followers claimed that the theologians of the Counter-Reformation in their opposition to Luther and Calvin had erred in the other direction in their definition of the doctrine of grace; i.e., emphasizing human responsibility at the expense of the divine initiative and thus relapsing into the Pelagian heresy, against which Augustine had fought in the early 5th century. Over against this emphasis, Jansenism asserted the Augustinian doctrine of original sin, including the teaching that man cannot keep the commandments of God without a special gift of grace and that the converting grace of God is irresistible. Consistent with this anthropology was the rigoristic view on moral issues taken by Jansenism in its condemnation of the tendency, which it claimed to discern in Jesuit ethics, to find loopholes for evading the uncompromising demands of the divine law. When it was espoused in the Lettres Provinciales("Provincial Letters") of Blaise Pascal, a French philosopher, this campaign against Jesuit theology became a cause célèbre. The papacy struck out against Jansenism in 1653, when Innocent X issued his bull Cum Occasione ("With Occasion"), and again in 1713, when Clement XI promulgated his constitution Unigenitus ("Only-Begotten").

Theologically, Jansenism represented the lingering conviction, even of those who refused to follow the Reformers, that the official teaching of the Roman Catholic Church was Augustinian in form but not in content; morally, it bespoke the ineluctable suspicion of many devout Roman Catholics that the serious call of the Gospel to a devout and holy life was being compromised in the moral theology and penitential practice of the church. Though Jansenism was condemned, it did not remain without effect, and in the 19th and 20th centuries it contributed to an evangelical reawakening not only in France but throughout the church.

3) Quietism.


Quietism, another movement within French Roman Catholicism, was far less strident in its polemics and far less ostentatious in its erudition but no less threatening in its ecclesiastical and theological implications. Quietism was, in many ways, yet another form of the Augustinian opposition to any recrudescence of the Pelagian idea that man's religious activity can make God propitious to him. In Quietism this belief was associated with the development of a technique of prayer in which passive contemplation became the highest form of religious activity. Christian mysticism had always combined, in an uneasy alliance, the techniques of an aggressive prayer that stormed the gates of heaven and a resigned receptivity that awaited the way and will of God, whatever it might be. In the theology of François de Fénelon, a French archbishop and mystical writer, Quietism was combined with a scrupulous orthodoxy of doctrine to articulate the distinction between authentic Catholic mysticism and false spiritualism. Nevertheless, as scholars of medieval mystical movements have suggested, Quietism showed the great gulf between the Roman Catholicism that came out of the Counter-Reformation and the spirituality of the preceding centuries, both Greek and Latin. A devotion such as that of St. Gregory of Nyssa and Evagrius of Pontus, Greek theologians of the 4th century, was completely ruled out by the legalistic theology that condemned Quietism. (see also Index: Christianity)

6. Controversies involving the Jesuits.

예수회 수사들과의 논쟁들

1) The Chinese rites controversy.

중국의 전례 논쟁

An analogous judgment would have to be voiced concerning the Chinese rites controversy centring on Matteo Ricci, an Italian Jesuit missionary in China. Decades of scholarly research into Buddhist and Confucian thought had prepared Ricci for a campaign that sought to attach the Roman Catholic understanding of the Christian faith to the deepest spiritual apprehensions of the Chinese religious tradition; the veneration of Confucius, the great Chinese religious and philosophical leader of the 6th century BC, and the religious honours paid to ancestors were to be seen not as elements of paganism to be rejected out of hand, nor yet as pagan anticipations of Christianity, but as rituals of Chinese society that could be adapted to Christian purposes. Ricci's apostolic labours won him many converts in China, but they also won the suspicion of many in the West that the distinctiveness of Christianity was being compromised in syncretistic fashion. The suspicion did not assert itself officially until long after Ricci's death; but, when it did, the outcome was a condemnation of the Chinese rites by Pope Clement XI in 1704 and again in 1715 and by Pope Benedict XIV in 1742. Ancestor worship and Confucian devotion were said to be an inseparable element of traditional Chinese religion and hence incompatible with Christian worship and doctrine. Here again, the embattled situation of the Roman Catholic Church in the 17th and 18th centuries helps to account for an action that seems, in historical perspective, to have been excessively defensive and rigoristic. (see also Index: Confucianism)

2) Suppression of the Jesuits.

예수회에 대한 억압

Among the repercussions of the controversy over Chinese rites was an intensification of the resentment directed against the Society of Jesus, to which some of the other movements mentioned above also contributed. The widespread support enjoyed by Jansenism was due in part to its attack on the moral theology associated with the Jesuits. Pascal's Lettres Provinciales, although placed on the Index in 1657, voiced an opposition to Jesuit thought and practice that continued to be read throughout the century that followed. The political role played by members of the Society most probably evoked the campaign to suppress it. The Portuguese crown expelled the Jesuits in 1759, France made them illegal in 1764, and in 1767 Spain and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies also took repressive action against them. But the opponents of the Society achieved their greatest success when they took their case to Rome. Pope Clement XIII is said to have replied that the Jesuits "should be as they are or not be at all" and refused to act against them. But his successor, Clement XIV (1769-74), whose election was urged by the anti-Jesuit forces, finally did take action. On July 21, 1773, he issued a brief, Dominus ac Redemptor ("Lord and Redeemer"), suppressing the Society for the good of the church. Frederick II of Prussia and Empress Catherine II of Russia--one of them Protestant and the other Eastern Orthodox--were the only monarchs who refused to promulgate the order to suppress the Jesuits when it was issued. In these lands and in others the Society of Jesus maintained a shadow existence until, on Aug. 7, 1814, Pope Pius VII restored it to full legal validity. Meanwhile, however, the suppression of the Jesuits had done serious damage to the missions and the educational program of the church, and this at a time when both enterprises were under great pressure.

7. Religious life in the 17th and 18th centuries.

17,18세기의 종교생활

Yet it would be a mistake to allow the narrative of these controversies to monopolize one's attention. Less dramatic but no less important was the continuing life of the Roman Catholic Church during these centuries as "mother and teacher." Bossuet was not only the formulator of Gallican ideology but also one of the finest preachers of Christian history. He addressed king and commoner alike and asserted the will of God with eloquence, if sometimes with undue precision. Together with Jean Mabillon, a Benedictine monk and scholar, Bossuet helped to lay the foundations of modern Roman Catholic historiography. During the 18th century their work was continued and expanded, especially by Mabillon's confreres, the Maurists, a Benedictine group that edited the works of the Greek and Latin fathers. Both Jansenism and Quietism must be seen not only as parties in a controversy but also as symptoms of religious vitality. Engaging as they did considerable segments of the Roman Catholic laity, they expressed "the practice of the presence of God" with a new vigour.

The Roman Catholic Church of this period exercised a profound influence on culture and the arts. Indeed, the spirit of Baroque is inseparable from the Counter-Reformation, as is visible, for example, in the church of Il Gesù in Rome and in the sculpture and architecture of Gian Lorenzo Bernini. Pascal and Cervantes are notable literary figures who expressed Roman Catholic thought and piety through their works. The most fateful of the church's conflicts with modern culture in this period took place in the natural sciences. The condemnation of Galileo in 1616 and again in 1633 as "vehemently suspected of heresy" was more important symbolically than intrinsically, as a sign of the alienation between science and theology. This period saw the establishment or further development of several major religious orders, including the Daughters of Charity, founded by Vincent de Paul in 1633, and the Trappists, who take their name from the Cistercian abbey of La Trappe, which in 1664 was transformed into a community of the Strict Observance.

로마 가톨릭 교회의 생활은 17,18세기 예배와 예술에서 '어머니와 교사'로서 지속적인 역할을 했다. 이 기간중 현대 문명과 교회의 가장 중요한 갈등은 자연과학 분야에서 발생했다. 그 예로, 1616년과 1633년 갈릴레오 갈릴레이를 '극단적 이단 혐의자'로 단죄한 사건은 과학과 신학의 단절을 알리는 신호였다. 후에 프랑스 철학자들이 주도한 18세기 계몽주의는 합리적이고 세속적인 사유를 강조하면서 많은 유럽 지성인들의 신념에 심대한 영향을 끼쳤다. 또한 이 시기에는 많은 주요 수도회들이 설립되거나 확장·발전되었는데, 특히 1633년 빈켄티우스가 설립한 애덕자매회(Daughters of Charity)와 라트라프의 시토회 수도원의 이름을 딴 트라프회가 대표적이다. 트라프회는 1664년에 규율을 엄격하게 준수하는 '엄률 수도회'로 성격이 바뀌었다. 그리고 책임있는 가톨릭 학문 전통을 회복하기 위한 노력도 많이 이루어졌다.



근세기의 교회

1) Catholicism in Revolutionary France.

프랑스 혁명기의 카톨릭 교회

The period of the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation was a time of convulsion for the Roman Catholic Church, but the era of revolution that followed it was, if anything, even more traumatic. This was partly because, despite the polemical rancour of Reformation theology, both sides in the controversies of the 16th and 17th centuries still shared much of the Catholic tradition. Politically, too, the assumption on all sides was that rulers, even when they opposed one another or the church, stood in the Catholic tradition. In the 18th century, however, there arose a political system and a philosophical outlook that no longer took Christianity for granted, that in fact explicitly opposed it, compelling the church to redefine its position more radically than it had done since the conversion of the Roman emperor Constantine in the 4th century.

What made the relation of the Roman Catholic Church to the ancien régime, the political and social system before the French Revolution in 1789, so problematic at the time of the Revolution was a subtle but fundamental difference between them. Although the rhetoric of the Revolution spoke as though the church and the old order had been one, no one could study the history of the church under (or over against) Louis XIV and accept so simplistic an interpretation. Conflict there had been, bitter and uncompromising conflict--and yet conflict within the context of given presuppositions. It is significant, for example, that the French aristocracy, soon to become the hated object of revolutionary zeal, constituted the source of almost all the bishops of the church in the ancien régime. This also meant that positions of authority in the church were largely foreclosed to the lower clergy because of their class. The theological and ecclesiastical parties identified with opposition to Rome were frequently those that drew the support of the laity; Jansenism, for example, was identified as the position of the lay lawyers who spoke for the French courts of justice over against the hierarchy. In spite of the hostility between church and state, therefore, the old regime appeared to its critics to be a monolith. Thus, when the French philosopher Voltaire said, "Écrasez l'infâme" ("Crush the infamous one"), he may have meant superstition, ignorance, and tyranny, but what it added up to concretely in the minds of the revolutionaries was the supposed alliance of the monarchy with the Roman Catholic Church. This identification was only confirmed when the defenders of the established order, both lay and clerical, spoke out against the threat of revolution with a greater awareness of its dangers than of its justification.

Complicating the predicament of the church in the old regime was the corrosive influence of the Enlightenment on the religious beliefs of much of the lay intelligentsia. Enlightenment rationalism took hold among many defenders of the political status quo as well as among clerical scholars, helping to produce the beginnings of critical biblical scholarship and of religious toleration. It would be an oversimplification, therefore, to put the Enlightenment unequivocally on the side of the critics and revolutionaries. Perhaps no one embodied the spirit of the Enlightenment more completely than Frederick II the Great of Prussia. But the confidence in reason and the hostility to "superstition" cultivated by the Enlightenment inevitably clashed with the Christian reliance on revelation and with the belief in supernatural grace as communicated by the sacraments.

The political and social prerogatives of the church were also threatened by the Enlightenment, especially when it was allied with the expanding claims of an autocratic "enlightened despotism." The brotherhood taught by such groups as the Freemasons, members of secret fraternal societies, and the Illuminati, a rationalistic secret society, provided a rival to the Catholic sense of community. In The Magic Flute, the Austrian composer Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (who wrote his Requiem Mass in the same year) celebrated the Masonic alternative to the mass of the church.

Although leaders of the state were often more hospitable to the ideas of the Enlightenment than were leaders of the church, the latter proved more accurate in their estimate of the revolutionary implications of these ideas. The "heavenly city of the 18th century philosophers" may originally have been intended as a substitute for the City of God, but it also provided much of the ideological rationale for the attack upon the ancien régime. In the familiar epigram of the Swiss writer Jacques Mallet du Pan, after the French Revolution, "philosophy may boast her reign over the country she has devastated." The action of the French Revolution against the church took many forms, but the most significant was the Civil Constitution of the Clergy of 1790. In it, a Gallicanism originally enunciated in the name of the absolute French monarchy attempted to subject the church to the National Assembly. The entire church in France was reorganized, with the authority of the pope restricted to doctrinal matters. Later in that year a constitutional oath was required of all the French clergy, most of whom refused. Pope Pius VI (1775-99) denounced the Civil Constitution in 1791, and Catholic France was divided between the adherents of the papal system and the proponents of the new order. The closing decade of the 18th century was dominated by this conflict, and no resolution was provided by either church or state. The ultimate humiliation of the church came when Pius VI was driven out of Rome by the French armies in 1798 and in the following year was taken captive by them and dragged back to France, where he died. Not since the Great Schism and the Babylonian Captivity had the prestige of the papacy sunk so low.


2) Napoleon I--exportation of the Revolution.

나폴레옹 I 세- 혁명의 수출

As it was obvious that the French Revolution itself had to be carried to some more permanent settlement, so it was recognized on all sides that a more stable arrangement of church-state relations was essential. This was achieved by Napoleon Bonaparte in a concordat concluded with Pope Pius VII on July 15/16, 1801. It recognized that Roman Catholicism was the faith of most Frenchmen and granted freedom of worship. All incumbents of bishoprics were to resign and were to be replaced by bishops whom Napoleon, as first consul, would nominate. The properties of the church that had been secularized during the Revolution were to remain so, but the clergy was to be provided with proper support by the government. Many historians maintain that the Concordat of 1801 was as decisive for modern church history as the conversion of Constantine had been for ancient church history. As Constantine had first recognized and then established Christianity in the Roman Empire, so a series of concordats and other less formal agreements created the modus vivendi between the church and modern secular culture. What this meant for the papacy was the realization that most of the temporal holdings of the church in Europe had to be surrendered. The eventual outcome of this realization was the creation of Vatican City as a distinct political entity, but only after a long conflict over the States of the Church during the unification of Italy in 1869-70. First, however, came the period after the fall of Napoleon, when those who had emerged victorious at the Battle of Waterloo (1815) attempted to restore the previous condition. The Society of Jesus was revived in 1814, and the Congress of Vienna in 1814-15 helped to establish a basis for the recovery of the church during the 19th century. Temporary though these supposed settlements were, they made it clear to those living in the following period that the church would continue to be a force to be reckoned with in the affairs of Europe and America.

3) The reign of Pius IX (1846-78).

피우스 9세(1846~78 재위)의 치세

Much of the history of Roman Catholicism in the 19th century is identified with the pontificates of two men: Pius IX, who was pope for a third of a century, and his successor, Leo XIII, who was pope for a quarter of a century (1878-1903).

Few popes of modern times have presided over so momentous a series of decisions and actions as Pius IX. During his reign the development of the modern papacy reached a kind of climax with the promulgation of the dogma of papal infallibility.It had long been taught that the church, as "the pillar and bulwark of the truth," could not fall away from the truth of divine revelation and therefore was "indefectible" or even "infallible." Inerrancy had likewise been claimed for the Bible by both Roman Catholic and Protestant theologians. As the visible head of that church and as the authorized custodian of the Bible, the pope had also been thought to possess a special gift of the Holy Spirit, enabling him to speak definitively on faith and morals. But this gift had not itself been identified in a definitive way. The outward conflicts of the church with modern thought and the inner development of its theology converged in the doctrinal constitution Pastor Aeternus("Eternal Shepherd"), promulgated by the first Vatican Council on July 18, 1870. It asserted that "the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, that is, when in discharge of the office of pastor and teacher of all Christians, by virtue of his supreme apostolic authority he defines a doctrine regarding faith or morals to be held by the universal Church, by the divine assistance promised to him in blessed Peter, is possessed of that infallibility with which the divine Redeemer willed that his Church should be endowed." The decree was, of course, retroactive, even though there were historical incidents that appeared to contradict the retroactivity, such as the condemnation of Pope Honorius I by the third Council of Constantinople in 680, which were cited by opponents of the decree. This opposition was, however, ineffective, and the dogma of infallibility became the public doctrine of the church. Those who continued to disagree withdrew to form the Old Catholic Church, which was centred in The Netherlands, Germany, and Switzerland.

Even before the promulgation of this dogma, Pope Pius had exercised the authority that it conferred on him. In 1854, acting on his own prerogative and without any council, he defined as official teaching the doctrine of the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, "that the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, at the first instant of her conception, was preserved immaculate from all stain of original sin, by the singular grace and privilege of the Omnipotent God, in virtue of the merits of Jesus Christ." This put the church unequivocally on one side of a debate over the doctrine of Mary that had been going on since the Middle Ages. Ten years later, Pius issued a document that was in some ways even more controversial, the Syllabus of Errors(Dec. 8, 1864). In it he condemned various "errors" characteristic of modern times, including pantheism, Socialism, civil marriage, secular education, and religious indifferentism. By thus appearing to put the church on the side of reaction against the forces of liberalism, science, democracy, and tolerance, the Syllabus seemed to be part of the retreat of Roman Catholicism from the modern world. At the same time, it did seek to clarify the identity of Roman Catholic teaching at a time when it was being threatened on all sides.

This combination of reactions to modern thought and society came to a head in the conflict over " Americanism," which was condemned by Leo XIII in 1899, and even more vigorously in the Kulturkampf (i.e., struggle in Germany with Catholicism). Prince Otto von Bismarck, both because he was a Prussian and because he was a Protestant, resisted the basic trend of the developments just traced. In the Roman Catholic parties of the centre in the German states, he saw an obstacle to the form of German reunion to which he was dedicated, viz., a predominantly Protestant Germany without Roman Catholic Austria. The Syllabus of Errors and the dogma of infallibility represented the hostility of Roman Catholicism to the very sort of state he was trying to establish. Much of the theological opposition to papal infallibility came from German thinkers, notably Ignaz von Döllinger, to whose defense Bismarck sprang. The conflict between church and state came in several principal areas. The Kulturkampf began with the exclusion of the Roman Catholic Bureau from the Ministry of Culture and Cultus in the Prussian state. Bismarck asserted the authority of the state over all education in Prussia and had the Society of Jesus expelled. Then, in direct defiance of the Syllabus of Errors, he required civil marriage of all, regardless of whether or not they had also exchanged their vows before a clergyman. Laws were passed compelling candidates for the Roman Catholic priesthood to attend a German university for at least three years. Bismarck summarized his defiance of the Pope in an allusion to the conflict between Pope Gregory VII and Emperor Henry IV in the 11th century: "We are not going to Canossa!" When Pius IX died in 1878, the conflict was still unresolved.

19세기 로마 가톨릭 교회사의 많은 부분은 두 교황의 교황직 재위 기간과 일치한다. 그들은 재위 기간이 한 세기의 1/3에 달했던 교황 피우스(비오) 9세와 그의 계승자로 1/4세기 동안 재위했던 교황 레오 13세이다. 피우스 9세만큼 중요한 결정을 내리고 활동을 주관한 교황도 드물다. 그의 재위 기간 동안 교황의 절대 무류성(無謬性)에 대한 교의가 반포됨으로써 근대 교황권의 발전은 절정에 달했다. '진리의 기둥이자 성채'로서 교회는 신적 계시의 진리로부터 멀어질 수 없으며, 따라서 '결함이 없고' 심지어 '오류가 없다'는 교리를 가톨릭 교회는 오랫동안 가르쳐왔고, 또한 교회의 가시적(可視的)인 수장이며 권한을 부여받은 성서의 수호자인 교황은 신앙과 도덕에 대해 오류없이 말을 할 수 있는 특별한 은총을 부여받았다고 가르쳐왔다. 이 교의가 반포되기 이전에도 교황 피우스는 자신이 부여받은 이 권위를 행사했었다. 1854년 그는 자신의 특권을 행사하여 공의회를 거치지 않고 성모 마리아의 무원죄잉태설 교리를 교회의 공식적 가르침으로 규정했다. 또한 1864년 12월 8일 여러 면에서 논란의 여지가 많은 '오류에 대한 교서요목'(Syllabus of Errors)을 발표했다. 이 교서요목에서 교황은 범신론, 사회주의, 교회를 통하지 않은 결혼, 세속 교육, 종교적 자유주의를 포함한 현대의 다양한 '오류들'을 단죄했다. 따라서 이 교서요목의 반포로 인해 가톨릭교회는 마치 자유주의 물결을 거스르고 현대 세계의 조류에서 퇴각하는 듯이 보였다. 그러나 이 교서요목은 당시 여러 방면에서 위협을 받고 있던 교회의 입장에서 교회 가르침의 정체를 분명히 하기 위한 하나의 시도였다.

4) The reign of Leo XIII (1878-1903).

레오 13세(1878~1903 재위)의 치세

Although Leo XIII was no less conservative in his theological inclinations than his predecessor, his positive appreciation of the church's opportunities in modern society gave his pontificate a significantly different cast from that of Pius. On issues of church doctrine and discipline his administration was a strict one. It was during his reign that the Modernist movement, which advocated the use of biblical and historical criticism and freedom of conscience, arose within Roman Catholicism; and, although the formal condemnation of its tendencies did not come until 1907, four years after his death, he had made his opposition to this trend clear by the establishment of the Pontifical Biblical Commission as a monitor over the work of scriptural scholars. The positive side of his theology came to voice in the encyclical Aeterni Patris("Eternal Father") of Aug. 4, 1879, which, more than any other single document, provided a charter for the revival of Thomism (the medieval theological system based on the thought of Thomas Aquinas) as the official philosophical and theological system of the Roman Catholic Church. It was to be normative not only in the training of priests at the seminaries of the church but also in the education of the laity at universities. To this end Leo also sponsored the launching of a definitive critical edition of the works of Thomas Aquinas. In 1895 Pope Leo appointed a commission to decide the long-mooted question whether, despite the separation from Rome in the 16th century, the priestly ordination of the Anglican communion was valid, as, for instance, that of the separated Eastern churches was; in 1896 he issued Apostolicae Curae ("Apostolic Concerns"), which denied the validity of Anglican orders and was a setback for ecumenical hopes on both sides.

Nevertheless, Leo XIII is best remembered for his social and political thought, which earned him the sobriquet the "pope of peace." He managed to mollify the church's position toward the policies of Bismarck, and the Chancellor in turn moved toward a compromise. Diplomatic relations between Germany and the Vatican were restored in 1882, and gradually the restrictive laws were lifted. But the greatest achievements of Leo's work in the relation between the church and modern culture were his social and political encyclicals. Without repudiating the theological presuppositions of the Syllabus of Errors, these encyclicals articulated a positive social philosophy, not merely a defensive one. In Libertas ("Liberty"), an encyclical issued on June 20, 1888, he sought to affirm what was good about political liberalism, democracy, and freedom of conscience. Above all, the encyclical Rerum Novarum("Of New Things") of 1891 put the church on the side of the modern struggle for social justice. Though rejecting the program of 19th-century Socialism, the Pope was also severe in his condemnation of an exploitative laissez-faire capitalism and in his insistence upon the duty of the state to strive for the welfare of all its citizens. The social thought of Leo XIII helped to stimulate concrete social action among Roman Catholics in various lands, such as the Christian Social Movement. When he died, soon after the close of the 19th century, the church seemed in many ways to be entering a new era of respect and influence, but the turmoil of war, depression, and revolution in the 20th century intervened.

Two historical forces, one external and the other internal, came to dominate the development of Roman Catholicism during the 20th century: the world wars of 1914-18 and 1939-45, with the accompanying upheavals of politics, economics, and society; and the second Vatican Council of 1962-65, with upheavals no less momentous in the life and teaching of the church.

레오 13세는 보수적인 신학 성향에서 전임 교황보다 결코 뒤지지 않았지만, 현대사회에서 교회의 역할을 긍정적으로 평가한 점이 피우스 교황과 다르다. 교리와 가르침에 대한 그의 방침은 엄격했다. 그의 명확한 신학적 관점은 1899년 8월 4일에 반포한 회칙 '영원한 아버지'(Aeterni Patris)에 드러나 있는데, 이 회칙은 다른 어떤 자료보다도 로마 가톨릭 교회의 공식적인 철학 및 신학 체계로서의 토미즘(토마스 아퀴나스 사상에 기초한 중세 신학체계)의 부활을 위한 장전(章典)이었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 '평화의 교황'이라는 별명을 얻었을 정도로 레오 13세의 정치·사회 사상은 잘 알려져 있다. 교회와 현대 문화의 관계에 대한 레오 교황의 가장 위대한 업적은 회칙들이었다. 이 회칙들은 '오류에 관한 교서요목'의 신학적 전제하에 방어적인 사회철학에 그치지 않고 적극적인 사회철학을 명확하게 제시했다. 1888년 6월 20일에 공포된 회칙 '자유'(Libertas)에서 그는 정치적 자유주의, 민주주의, 양심의 자유와 관련해서 무엇이 선인가를 단언하고자 했다. 특히 1891년에 반포된 사회노동문제에 관한 회칙인 '새로운 문물에 관하여'(Rerum Novarum)에서는 교회가 사회정의를 위해 투쟁해야 한다고 강조했다. 교황은 19세기의 사회주의 정강(政綱)을 거부한 동시에 착취적인 자유방임적 자본주의에 대해서도 가혹한 비난을 하면서, 국가는 모든 시민의 복지를 위해 노력할 의무가 있음을 강조했다. 레오 13세의 이러한 사회사상은 로마 가톨릭 신자들이 '그리스도교 사회운동' 같은 구체적인 사회활동을 하도록 자극하는 촉진제 역할을 했다. 19세기가 끝난 직후 레오 교황이 죽었을 때 교회는 여러 방면에서 사회로부터 존경받고 영향력을 행사하는 새로운 시대로 진입하는 듯이 보였다. 그러나 20세기에 들어서자 전쟁·불황·혁명의 소용돌이가 이를 방해했다.

20세기 로마 가톨릭 교회 발전은 교회 안팎에서 일어난 2개의 역사적 사건에 의해 결정적으로 영향을 받게 되었다. 외적으로는 정치·경제·사회의 대변동을 수반한 2차례의 세계대전(1914~18, 1939~45)이며, 내적으로는 교회의 생활과 가르침에 대변화를 가져온 제2차 바티칸 공의회(1962~65)였다.



5) The period of the world wars.

세계대전 시기

Pope Pius X (1903-14) symbolized the transition from the 19th century to World War I. In his encyclical, Pascendi Dominici Gregis ("Feeding the Lord's Flock"), of Sept. 8, 1907, he formally condemned Modernism as "the résumé of all the heresies," and in 1910 he prescribed that clergy and seminary professors take an oath abjuring Modernism and affirming the correctness of the church's teachings about revelation, authority, and faith. He sponsored the revision and clarification of the code of canon law. More perhaps than any of his immediate predecessors or successors, Pius X gave attention to the reform of the church's liturgy, especially to the Gregorian chant, and advocated early and frequent reception of Holy Communion. Yet hanging like a cloud over his pontificate was the growing threat of the world war, which neither diplomacy nor piety was able to forestall. The last major document issued by Pius X was a lament over the outbreak of war, dated Aug. 2, 1914; less than three weeks later he was dead.

World War I, often called the real end of the 19th century, was also a major turning point in modern Roman Catholic history. Ever since ancient times the church had been accustomed to order its relations to human society by negotiations with kings and emperors, preferably members of its own fellowship. The war and the revolutions attending it meant the end of the Hohenzollern (Germany), Habsburg (Austria-Hungary), and Romanov (Russia) dynasties, obliging the church to come to terms with the new realities of democratic, Communist, and Fascist regimes.

Of special significance was a series of pacts with the Fascist Italy of Benito Mussolini.In 1929 the church and the Italian government signed the Lateran Treaty, which finally regularized relations between them and gave Vatican City independent status. In 1933 the church went on to conclude a concordat with Nazi Germany, hoping to protect its own interests and those of minorities; but this hope proved to be ill founded, and the church's relation with Hitler and his regime deteriorated. Although Pius XI (1922-39) and Pius XII (1939-58) both spoke out several times against the excesses of the regime, they did little to restrain it. The papacy spoke out much more often, for example, during the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), against the dangers of Communism, the eventual dominance of which over Poland, Hungary, and other strongly Roman Catholic lands was a major setback to the church of the 20th century. As a diplomat and former papal secretary of state, Pope Pius XII was obliged, under the pressures of World War II, to clarify and redefine the church's teachings on war and peace as well as to work out a strategy of survival. In 1950 he became the first pope since the first Vatican Council to exercise the right of defining doctrine, proclaiming the bodily assumption of the Virgin Mary to be a dogma binding on all members of the church. Earlier in that same year, in the encyclical Humani Generis ("Of the Human Race"), he had given a reproof to various theological trends that appeared to be reviving the ideas and methods of Modernism.

흔히 19세기를 사실상 마감한 제1차 세계대전은 현대 로마 가톨릭 교회사에서도 중요한 전환점이었다. 전쟁과 이에 따른 혁명으로 인해 호헨졸렌(독일)·합스부르크(오스트리아)·로마노프(러시아) 왕조가 몰락했으며, 교회는 민주주의·공산주의·파시스트 정권이라는 새로운 현실에 직면하게 되었다.

특히 이탈리아의 파시스트인 베니토 무솔리니와 맺은 일련의 협정은 중요한 의미를 지녔다. 1929년 가톨릭 교회와 이탈리아 정부는 라테란 조약을 맺어 마침내 양측의 관계를 정상화시켰으며, 바티칸 시는 독립적인 지위를 갖게 되었다. 1933년 가톨릭 교회는 교회와 소수민족의 권익을 보호하기 위해 나치 독일과 강화조약을 체결하려고 시도했으나 성사되지 않았으며, 오히려 교회와 히틀러 정권의 관계는 악화되었다. 피우스 11세(1922~39 재위)와 피우스 12세(1939~ 58 재위)는 몇 차례에 걸쳐 히틀러 정권의 부당성을 공박했으나 이를 저지하기 위해 한 일은 별로 없었다. 더욱이 스페인 내란(1936~39) 기간에 교황청은 더욱 격렬하게 공산주의의 위험성에 대해 비난했다. 폴란드와 헝가리를 비롯해 로마 가톨릭 교회가 깊이 뿌리내린 국가들이 공산화되자 20세기 로마 가톨릭 교회는 큰 타격을 입었다.


6) Vatican II.

제2차 바티칸 공의회

From these two papal promulgations of 1950 many observers were ready to conclude that in the second half of the 20th century Roman Catholicism would assume an essentially defensive posture in relation to the modern world. Those who had come to that conclusion were compelled to revise it by the pontificate of John XXIII (1958-63) and by the second Vatican Council (1962-65). During his brief reign Pope John issued several important encyclicals. Of special interest was Mater et Magistra ("Mother and Teacher"), published in 1961, which explicitly attached itself to the Rerum Novarum of Leo XIII in calling for justice and the common good as the norms of social conduct. Two years later, in Pacem in Terris("Peace on Earth"), the Pope addressed himself not only to members of the church but to "all men of good will." In this encyclical he formulated, more completely than any previous pope had done, a social philosophy for peace among men and between nations. This spirit of reform and concern came to expression in the council, which Pope John convoked but which he did not live to see to its conclusion. The council brought about drastic changes in the life and worship of the church, encouraging the use of the vernacular in the liturgy and greater lay participation everywhere. Perhaps even more historic were its actions in regard to those outside the borders of the Roman Catholic Church. To Eastern Orthodox and Protestant Christians it extended the hand of fraternal understanding instead of denouncing them as heretics. To the Jewish community it addressed words of reconciliation and regret for the anti-Semitism of the Christian past. To the world religions it spoke of the church's admiration for the spiritual values that had been preserved in those traditions that did not know the name of Christ. And to all people, believers and unbelievers, the council expressed its respect for the integrity and freedom of humanity and its repudiation of coercion as a means for bringing people to faith. In its importance for the development of the church the second Vatican Council will probably rank with the councils of Nicaea (325), Chalcedon (451), and Trent (1545-63). (J.J.Pe.) 많은 관측통은 로마 가톨릭 교회가 20세기 후반에 현대 세계와의 관계에서 본질적으로 방어적 태도를 취할 것이라고 결론짓고 있었다. 그러나 교황 요한네스 23세(1958~63 재위)와 제2차 바티칸 공의회(1962~65)는 이러한 결론을 수정하게 만들었다. 교황 요한네스는 짧은 재위 기간 동안 몇 건의 중요한 회칙을 공포했다. 그중 특별히 관심을 끄는 것은 1961년에 반포한 회칙 '어머니와 교사(Mater et Mag-istra)'인데, 이 회칙은 사회적 행위의 규범으로서 정의와 공동선을 주창한 점에서 레오 13세의 '새로운 문물에 관하여'라는 회칙과 긴밀한 연관성을 가지고 있다. 2년 후에 나온 '지상의 평화'(Pacem in Terris)라는 회칙은 교인들뿐 아니라 '선한 의지를 지닌 모든 이들'을 대상으로 한 회칙이었다. 이 회칙에서 교황은 다른 어느 역대 교황보다 더욱 체계적으로 인간들 사이의 평화와 국가간의 평화를 위한 사회철학을 정립시켰다. 이러한 개혁과 관여의 정신은 제2차 바티칸 공의회에서 구체화되었다. 이 공의회는 요한네스가 소집했으나 교황은 공의회의 결말을 보지 못하고 죽었다. 제2차 바티칸 공의회는 교회 전례에서 자국어를 사용할 것을 권장하고, 모든 면에서 평신도의 보다 적극적인 참여를 촉진시킴으로써 가톨릭 교회의 생활과 예배에 괄목할 만한 변화를 일으켰다. 이보다 훨씬 더 역사적인 것은 로마 가톨릭 교회 울타리 밖에 있는 사람들에 대한 제2차 바티칸 공의회의 조치일 것이다. 가톨릭 교회는 동방 정교회와 프로테스탄트 신자들을 이단자로 비난하던 종래의 태도에서 벗어나 이들에게 형제적인 일치의 손길을 뻗쳤다. 유대인 공동체에 대해서도 화해의 말을 건네면서 과거 그리스도인들의 반유대주의 행각에 대해 유감의 뜻을 밝혔다. 또한 공의회는 세계의 여타 종교에 대해 그리스도를 모르는 그들의 전통 속에 간직되어온 정신적 가치를 인정하고 칭찬하는 입장을 밝혔다. 또한 신자와 비신자 모든 사람들에게는 인간성의 고결함과 자유로움에 대한 경의를 표시하고, 신앙을 전파하기 위해 강압적 수단을 사용하는 것을 배격하는 입장을 천명했다. 교회 발전에 기여한 중요도를 놓고 본다면 제2차 바티칸 공의회는 아마도 니케아(325)·칼케돈(451)·트리엔트(1545~ 63) 공의회와 어깨를 나란히 하게 될 것이다.


유럽 바깥의 로마 카톨릭

1) The New World: the Spanish and Portuguese empires.

신세계: 스페인 및 포르투칼 제국

i) Colonial period.

식민지 시대

The Western Hemisphere was discovered by Europeans immediately before the Protestant Reformation began in Europe. The fact of that discovery at that moment in history and the original development of the New World by Roman Catholic empires (e.g., Spain) is of major significance in the religious history of the hemisphere. The only part of it that was to be non-Catholic in its general cultural outlook was the area of those colonies that was to become the United States and Anglophone Canada. Spain and Portugal were in their prime as sea powers in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, and they were most responsible for exploring, colonizing, and establishing the Christian faith in the southern two-thirds of the American half of the world. (see also Index: Latin America, colonialism, mission)

The chief institutions for Catholicizing were the Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, Jesuits, and other religious orders. Well-trained and self-sacrificing representatives of the orders were able to go wherever Spanish and Portuguese ships went. Sometimes they were accused of serving as religious supporters of anything the Crown desired, but because the missionaries were in quest of souls, there were also clashes between Catholic churchmen and colonizers or traders. Some missionary efforts met with successes among the natives. At times Catholicism was able to temper the inhumanity of the conquerors. Best known among the humane spokesmen for Indians was the Dominican Bartolomé de Las Casas (1474-1566), "the Apostle of the Indians," who gave widespread publicity to white atrocities against the Indians and was named bishop of Chiapas (Mexico) in 1543.

In the course of the 16th through the 19th centuries European colonists and immigrants from nations other than Spain and Portugal came to Latin America. Even when these movements were made up of Protestant minorities or when they included Protestant missionaries, they did little to disrupt the generally or nominally Catholic cultures.

Modern secular forces also jostled the Catholic settlements. The case of Mexico is illustrative; its ruling powers repeatedly proscribed Catholic education and embodied anticlerical interests. Still, the Mexican people remained largely Catholic, although they blended some of their native religious values and practices with Catholic forms.

ii) After independence.

독립후의 시기

The inevitable reaction by Catholic and non-Catholic alike arose against the colonial powers. This took the form of movements of independence, anticlerical revolts that were directed against European powers. Some institutions, particularly those devoted to education, were opposed to the practices of Catholicism. Because so many of the clergy came from Europe, anti-European sentiment assured that the American fields were not attractive, and chronic clerical shortages prevailed. As was the case in Europe, the various revolutions were often concurrent with or encouraging to the various versions of Enlightenment thought, and this meant that they were expectably uncongenial to the truth claims of Christianity.

By the middle of the 20th century, wherever Latin-American Catholicism remained strong, it was dismissed by much of the rest of the world as appearing to be uncongenial to the legitimate aspirations of majorities. Because of the cosmopolitan influences of the second Vatican Council (1962-65), however, the self-generated renewal of the church, and the presence of a new socially responsible leadership, there appeared during the 1960s a more radical Catholicism. Dom Helder Câmara of Recife, Braz., exemplified the impulse toward drastic social reform. Camillo Torres, killed in the role of a Colombian guerrilla, typified the association of a Catholic minority with violent revolutionary programs. It was a widespread conviction that the future of Roman Catholicism lay in Brazil and in Africa.

iii) Spanish and French missions in North America.

북 아메리카의 스페인과 프랑스의 선교

Though at the time of its settlement the United States under British and continental Protestant influences became a largely Protestant outpost, Spanish Catholics did establish missions in Florida and elsewhere. Franciscans began work in California in 1514 and in New Mexico in 1581; this work reached its greatest success when the Spanish missionary Fra Junípero Serra founded stations all along the California coast after 1769. Similarly, to the north, French explorers, traders, and conquerors settled much of eastern Canada and brought with them a Catholic Church that has remained dominant there up to the present. French missionaries also penetrated the Great Lakes region and the Mississippi Valley, but their efforts left few traces when the North American interior came to be settled by English-speaking people late in the 18th century. (see also Index: California Missions)

2) Roman Catholicism in the United States and Canada.

미국과 카나다의 로마 카톨릭

i) United States.


As far as the 13 colonies of the emerging United States were concerned, only Maryland, which had been settled in 1634 and established in 1649, included an appreciable number of Catholics before American independence. Catholics were often unwelcome in and even excluded from many colonies, where Congregational or Episcopal churches were supported by law. According to some estimates, there were at most 25,000 Catholics in a colonial population of almost 4,500,000 at the time of independence after 1776.

From the first, however, Catholic leadership enjoyed its place in the free society of the new United States. Bishop John Carroll, a representative of a notable colonial Catholic family, pioneered in exploring positive relations between Catholic religionists and their fellow citizens. Beginning in the 1830s and 1840s, the assurances of religious freedom were added attractions for millions of Catholic immigrants who had to make their way to the United States for economic reasons. Coming as most of them did from Ireland or the European continent to a nation of largely British and almost exclusively Protestant provenance, they awakened suspicion and hostility and were met by what has since been called a nativist Protestant Crusade.

Catholicism endured, however, and built impressive institutions, including parochial schools. These elementary and secondary schools were formed late in the 19th century because Catholic leaders feared Protestant influences in the public schools. Through these Catholic agencies, Catholic leaders were able to help their people combine religious loyalties to Rome and civil loyalties to America. The church was plagued by several issues: "trusteeism," a debate over lay versus clerical control of ecclesiastical institutions; "Americanism," the charge that American Catholics were innovating in doctrine and practice; immigration; and the rescue of souls. The church prospered through all these adversities. (see also Index: parochial education)

After World War I anti-Catholicism declined. By 1960 a Roman Catholic, John F. Kennedy, had become president--an office previously thought to be out of range for Catholics. Tensions over church-state issues remained, but these were minimized, or at least they grew more confused, because neither Catholics nor their old opponents continued to present a united front. The ecumenical age also brought about better relations between the various faiths. (see also Index: church and state)

ii) Canada.


Farther north, in Canada, England came to dominance in 1713, but the Quebec Act of 1774 guaranteed Catholic rights. The period of new nationalisms after World War II found French Catholics in Quebec nervous about the assimilation and even possible disappearance of their culture. They took steps to assure the perpetuation of the faith, language, and outlook of the French-speaking Catholic millions in an otherwise largely Protestant nation. Some militant movements even asked for separation and the formation of a new nation in Quebec.

3) The spread of Roman Catholicism in Africa and Asia.

아프리카와 아시아에서의 로마 가톨릭 교회 전파

Though Catholicism had shaped Latin-American and eastern Canadian culture, and though it came to be at home in the United States, it also found itself to be a worldwide presence for the first time in the 19th century. This expansion was the result both of Western nations' imperial presence in Africa and Asia and of the rebirth of a missionary spirit in Christendom.

Some of the expansive efforts were built upon the traces of 16th-century missionary activities, such as those of St. Francis Xavier, a Jesuit missionary to Asia; usually, however, they had to develop on the basis of original methods and in new territories.

가톨릭 교회는 19세기에 와서 처음으로 세계적인 존재로서 면모를 드러냈다. 이러한 교세 확장은 2가지 요인, 즉 아프리카·아시아에서 유럽 국가들이 제국주의 국가로서 출현한 것과 그리스도교의 선교정신이 부활한 것에서 기인한다.


i) Early missions in Africa.

초기 아프리카 선교

In Africa almost nothing remained of the strong early Christian communities in the north. Through the centuries North Africa had become largely Muslim. The Muslim presence there offered more resistance than did native African religionists in the remaining part of the continent. Christians were not welcomed and were often persecuted. Even in partly Christian Abyssinia (Ethiopia), where the Coptic Church was prominent, Catholics were largely excluded except between 1702 and 1839. An archbishopric was established in Algiers, and in 1868 Archbishop Charles Lavigerie founded the White Fathers, who were energetic but largely unsuccessful missionaries from that base. (see also Index: Islam)

West Africa presented obvious and persistent problems for all Christians, because it was from there that European nations had carried on most of the slave trade. Portuguese colonialists did help the Catholic Church establish itself in parts of West Africa, but progress was slow. Catholicism fared better in East Africa, particularly in Madagascar and around Lake Victoria. Uganda, Kenya, and Tanganyika (now Tanzania), for example, have thriving churches. The record was less triumphant farther south, in no small measure because of Dutch and British Protestant power. Yet there, as elsewhere, independent missionary societies worked despite considerable hardship.

아프리카 북부에서는 초기 그리스도교 공동체가 거의 남아 있지 않았다. 수세기에 걸쳐 북부 아프리카는 대부분 이슬람화되었다. 따라서 이 지역에서의 선교는 아프리카 대륙의 다른 지역에서 토속 종교인들이 저항했던 것보다 훨씬 강한 저항을 불러일으켰다. 대부분의 유럽 국가들은 서부 아프리카 지역에서 노예매매를 했기 때문에 이 지역 사람들은 모든 그리스도인들에게 노골적으로 끊임없이 문제를 일으켰다.


ii) Early missions in Asia.

초기 아시아 선교

In Asia Catholicism was able to profit from Portuguese and Spanish adventures from the 16th century on. In that part of the world, however, different kinds of clashes occurred. Asians had not had contact, as Muslims had, with biblical views of history and destiny. Buddhists, Taoists, followers of Confucianism, and Hindus were devoted to worldviews uncongenial to Western attitudes toward God, time, and history. In the encounter Catholicism was itself torn over debates concerning the permissible degrees of accommodation to Eastern ways and views of life, rituals, and terms.

In India there were traces of missionary extensions from premodern centuries (e.g., the Malabar Syrian Christians), and Catholicism here and there succeeded in finding new bases. But the suppression of the Jesuits in 1773 for reasons of European politics removed the most assertive group from the scene at the most inopportune moment. Catholics flourished under persecution in Indochina, in what is now called Vietnam. The major drama occurred, however, in China and Japan, which were opened to Westerners after centuries of relative isolation. In the 19th century Catholic institutions, such as churches, hospitals, and schools, became familiar sights on the Chinese landscape. The Boxer Rebellion in 1900 symbolized the growing resistance of the Chinese to Western presences in their country.

In Japan little was left of the 16th-century missions except for an isolated sect of Catholics on an island near Nagasaki. In both China and Japan only a small percentage of the people ever became Catholic. The triumph of Communism in China in 1949 brought the end of Catholic missionary activity and proscriptions against native Catholic practices, but an indigenous Catholicism survived, divided between Roman loyalists and the adherents of an autonomous Chinese church. Postwar Japan saw Catholicism engulfed by resurgent religions and a new secular spirit.

아시아에서의 가톨릭 교회는 16세기부터 시작된 포르투갈인과 스페인 사람들의 아시아 탐험으로 인해 덕을 볼 수 있었다. 그러나 이 지역에서는 또 다른 종류의 충돌이 발생했다. 아시아인들은 이슬람 교도들과 달리 역사와 운명에 대한 성서적인 견해를 접촉한 적이 없었다. 불교·도교·유교·힌두교 신자들은 신·시간·역사에 대한 서양의 견해와는 판이한 세계관을 신봉하고 있었다. 가톨릭 교회는 이들과의 만남에서 동양적인 생활방식, 인생관, 동양의 제의, 동양적인 종말관을 과연 어느 정도 수용할 것인가에 대한 논쟁으로 분열되었다. 그러나 수세기 동안 상대적인 고립상태에 있던 중국과 일본이 서양인들에게 스스로를 개방하는 중요하고도 극적인 사건이 일어났다. 19세기 중국에서는 성당·병원·학교 등과 같은 가톨릭 기관들을 친숙하게 볼 수 있었다. 1900년에 발생했던 의화단 사건은 서양 문물에 대한 중국인들의 저항이 다시 고개를 들었음을 보여주는 상징적인 사건이었다.

일본에서는 나가사키[長崎] 부근의 한 섬에 고립된 분파를 이루고 있었던 가톨릭 교도들을 제외하고는 16세기 포교 활동의 결과가 거의 남아 있지 않았다. 중국과 일본에서는 언제나 소수의 국민들만이 가톨릭 신자가 되었다. 1949년 중국에서 공산주의가 정권을 장악하자 가톨릭 선교 활동과 가톨릭 예배는 끝을 맺게 되었다. 중국 특유의 가톨릭 정신은 남아 있어 로마 가톨릭 교회에 충실한 측과 중국인 자치 가톨릭 교회를 지지하는 측으로 분리되었다. 전후 일본의 가톨릭 교회는 각 종교의 부활과 새로운 세속적 사조에 밀려 침체되었다.


iii) The development of indigenous clergy and native institutions.

토착 성직자와 교회들의 발전

Foreseeing some of the 20th-century difficulties, thoughtful Catholics began during the 19th century to argue that Western religions were not able to be appropriated directly and may not long be permitted in many places. Therefore they began to advocate the development of indigenous clergy. The resultant native institutions often adopted some elements from the local cultures, but seldom were fusions of distinctive elements of Asian or African religion with Christian doctrine consciously permitted.

iv) Conflicts and relations with national governments.

국가정부와의 갈등관계

If the recent centuries represented much promise for Catholicism's self-definition as a universal church, they also meant setbacks. Christians of the West had often exploited the developing nations, looted their resources, enslaved or demeaned their populations, and extirpated their religions and cultures. As colonial yokes were thrown off, new nations in quest of their own identities encouraged the renewal of the non-Christian religions that had long been part of their cultures. The Western Catholic could serve as a bogey. Overt anti-Christianity of most Marxist or Communist parties in these countries meant a rolling back of Catholicism.

근세기의 가톨릭 교회의 활동이 보편적 교회로서 가톨릭 교회의 모습을 드러낸 것이라면 이는 또한 가톨릭 교회의 퇴보를 의미하는 것이기도 했다. 서양의 그리스도인들은 흔히 개발도상국을 착취했고, 자원을 약탈했으며, 주민들을 노예로 만들거나 천민으로 취급했고, 그들 고유의 종교와 문화를 근절시키기도 했다. 이들 국가에서는 대부분의 마르크스주의당이나 공산당들이 공공연하게 그리스도교를 반대했는데, 이는 가톨릭 교회의 쇠퇴를 뜻하는 것이었다.

v) The new world consciousness of Roman Catholicism.

로마 가톨릭 교회의 새로운 세계의식

On the other hand, the second Vatican Council also saw the definition of more positive views of non-Catholic high religions, a fact that served somewhat to diminish the impulse to convert the whole world to explicit faith in Christ and obedience to Rome. Catholicism engaged in internal reforms that suggested a new responsiveness to revolutionary social situations. At least minor new local adaptations in Asian and African churches were permitted, and Western imperial pride was specifically condemned by modern popes. Although the impulses to dominate and to convert do not seem to have wholly died, in the majority of the world's nations Catholics nevertheless have shown themselves more ready than ever before to be brothers to adherents of other religions and to have a new regard for secular human development. 

다른 한편으로 제2차 바티칸 공의회는 타종교에 대해 더욱 긍정적인 정의를 내리는 등 개방적인 태도를 취했는데, 이는 전세계를 개종시켜 그리스도에 대한 명시적 신앙을 갖고 로마 교회에 대해 복종하도록 하려는 의욕을 감소시켰다. 가톨릭 교회는 급변하는 사회 상황에 새롭게 대응하는 내부 개혁에 착수했다. 교회는 아시아와 아프리카 교회에 그 지역에 맞는 교회의 토착화를 몇 가지 허용했고, 현대의 교황들은 서양 제국주의를 단죄했다. 세계를 개종시키고 신앙으로 지배하려는 생각이 완전히 사멸한 것같이 보이지는 않지만, 세계의 대부분 국가에서 가톨릭 교회는 과거의 그 어느 때보다도 타종교 신자들을 형제로 맞이하고 있으며, 세속적 인간성의 계발에도 새로운 관심을 기울이고 있다.



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